Today starts the gun show of the Assn. of Firearms and Dealers (AFAD) at the Megamall. Everytime there is a gun show, notable among the usual clients are government officials (especialy those who belong to the local units), and those who have the financial means to purchase a gun.
Interestingly, Executive Order 817 also known as the Gun Amnesty program was signed last July 7, 2009 to take effect this week and will last until Oct 31. This is supposedly the last and final amnesty and the last chance for delinquent gun owners (or those who failed to renew their license) to update/ renew their license. In other words, the gun amnesty targets the then- legal-now-illegal gun owners (in the PNP parlance, guns whose license are not renewed automatically falls under the category of loose or illegal firearm) . The EO 817 will not cover the "paltiks" (of the illegally manufactured and traded guns), and improvised guns (e.g. "sumpak").
Three arguments I want to point out here.
1. The popularity of guns among local govt officials and the rich is clearly a sign of fascination on guns.
a. The fascination is either due to the mystery and romance of the gun as a technologically advanced (lethal) instrument, while at the same time presented as seemingly innocuous piece of art.
b. Or the fascination stems from the gun representing a socially constructed value of power and protection.
In the study I've conducted, most of the respondents from the lower and middle income groups perceive guns/ firearms as instrument of power and protection (or an instrument with a constructed value). The appreciation of guns as a sporting instrument or as a work of art (i.e. as a neutral instrument) are notably, interpreted by those who hail from the upper income bracket.
In other words, guns create various interpretations and one's interpretation, to a large extent, is framed based on one's social and economic context.
2. The Executive Order 817 or the gun amnesty program reflect the duality of the State's appreciation and treatment on gun possession. The State seemingly has no problem in extending the privilege of possession to those who have the (financial) means, but is wary as regards gun ownership of those who "have-none."
Executive Order 817 or the gun-amnesty program creates an imagery of the State extending its hand and trying to woe back into the fold of law its prodigal sons, willing to forgive and forget their irresponsible act (of non-renewal of their gun-license); while the other hand goes after the illegal owners with a castigating stance and final ultimatum to surrender the illegal gun (during the amnesty period) or suffer the full consequence of the law.
The "paltiks" are basically a poor-man's gun. They are illegally manufactured and traded, and therefore mere possession is already a crime in itself. While I agree that a lot of "paltik" owners use the gun for questionable-to-outrightly-illegal dealings, there is also a good number who simply keep it in their homes to assuage their perception of insecurity. I call this the "silent group" who are simply reacting to the insecurity created by their subjective interpretation of their environment.
While I am not in favor of illegal ownership, there is also a problem if we take an absolutist posturing here. The perception of social insecurity is largely brought about by the inability of the State to satisfy the safety/ security demands of the citizens. In other words, I believe that if the people feel secure in their homes and their communities, there is less motivation for them to own (socially constructed) instruments of protection like guns.
3. Gun ownership is pervasive and the effect of gun amnesty will just be a drop in the bucket. In the PNP's estimate (2008), there are 1.1M illegal guns in circulation; the Small Arms Survey (2007) placed the value at 3.9M (high of 5M and low of 2.8 M legal and illegal) guns in circulation. There is also no accurate gauge on the number of guns-in-circulation in areas with active conflict.
Again, in my research (2008-2009), I asked the respondents to give concrete figures / number of gun-owners they know outside of their family. I did a 'convenience non-random sampling' and therefore the findings cannot be used to generalize for the entire population. Still, let me quote my findings verbatim here:
"Half of the respondents admitted to know someone outside their family who own a gun. Disaggregated data is more revealing: mostof the respondents from Cagayan de Oro (84%) and Bacolod (69%) have links with people with guns, while half and a little over half of the respondents from Cordillera (59%), Bohol (57%), and NCR (50%) have gun-owner contacts."
"These figures obviously do not represent the population and is a poor measure on the actual amount of guns in circulation. The relevance of the figures, however, is the seeming audacity of gun-ownership in the country – audacious in the sense that on the average, each respondent know at least one gun-owner. Likewise, if we take the ratio of male and female gun-owners, there is 1 female to every 5.5 male gun owners. The wide disparity of male and female reported gun-owners adds support to the argument that gun-possession is dominantly a ‘male-thing,’ that is, gun as an instrument of value is linked with the heteronormative conception of assigning the function of protection to males." (Oreta 2009)
Based on the three arguments, I caution those who hail the gun-amnesty program as a major step towards addressing the issue of gun-proliferation in the country. The gun-amnesty is simply an administrative measure to legalize again those who have "slipped" into the illegal fold because of their non-renewal of license. More efforts must be done to (a) curb the illegal manufacture and trade, (b) institute more control to discriminate and/or prevent the issuance of license to abusers (most especially those who have history of domestic abuse), and (c) assuage the perception of insecurity of civilians by instituting measures that would make communities feel safer.
Gun Amnesty must therefore be appreciated and framed in this context.
Interestingly, Executive Order 817 also known as the Gun Amnesty program was signed last July 7, 2009 to take effect this week and will last until Oct 31. This is supposedly the last and final amnesty and the last chance for delinquent gun owners (or those who failed to renew their license) to update/ renew their license. In other words, the gun amnesty targets the then- legal-now-illegal gun owners (in the PNP parlance, guns whose license are not renewed automatically falls under the category of loose or illegal firearm) . The EO 817 will not cover the "paltiks" (of the illegally manufactured and traded guns), and improvised guns (e.g. "sumpak").
Three arguments I want to point out here.
1. The popularity of guns among local govt officials and the rich is clearly a sign of fascination on guns.
a. The fascination is either due to the mystery and romance of the gun as a technologically advanced (lethal) instrument, while at the same time presented as seemingly innocuous piece of art.
b. Or the fascination stems from the gun representing a socially constructed value of power and protection.
In the study I've conducted, most of the respondents from the lower and middle income groups perceive guns/ firearms as instrument of power and protection (or an instrument with a constructed value). The appreciation of guns as a sporting instrument or as a work of art (i.e. as a neutral instrument) are notably, interpreted by those who hail from the upper income bracket.
In other words, guns create various interpretations and one's interpretation, to a large extent, is framed based on one's social and economic context.
2. The Executive Order 817 or the gun amnesty program reflect the duality of the State's appreciation and treatment on gun possession. The State seemingly has no problem in extending the privilege of possession to those who have the (financial) means, but is wary as regards gun ownership of those who "have-none."
Executive Order 817 or the gun-amnesty program creates an imagery of the State extending its hand and trying to woe back into the fold of law its prodigal sons, willing to forgive and forget their irresponsible act (of non-renewal of their gun-license); while the other hand goes after the illegal owners with a castigating stance and final ultimatum to surrender the illegal gun (during the amnesty period) or suffer the full consequence of the law.
The "paltiks" are basically a poor-man's gun. They are illegally manufactured and traded, and therefore mere possession is already a crime in itself. While I agree that a lot of "paltik" owners use the gun for questionable-to-outrightly-illegal dealings, there is also a good number who simply keep it in their homes to assuage their perception of insecurity. I call this the "silent group" who are simply reacting to the insecurity created by their subjective interpretation of their environment.
While I am not in favor of illegal ownership, there is also a problem if we take an absolutist posturing here. The perception of social insecurity is largely brought about by the inability of the State to satisfy the safety/ security demands of the citizens. In other words, I believe that if the people feel secure in their homes and their communities, there is less motivation for them to own (socially constructed) instruments of protection like guns.
3. Gun ownership is pervasive and the effect of gun amnesty will just be a drop in the bucket. In the PNP's estimate (2008), there are 1.1M illegal guns in circulation; the Small Arms Survey (2007) placed the value at 3.9M (high of 5M and low of 2.8 M legal and illegal) guns in circulation. There is also no accurate gauge on the number of guns-in-circulation in areas with active conflict.
Again, in my research (2008-2009), I asked the respondents to give concrete figures / number of gun-owners they know outside of their family. I did a 'convenience non-random sampling' and therefore the findings cannot be used to generalize for the entire population. Still, let me quote my findings verbatim here:
"Half of the respondents admitted to know someone outside their family who own a gun. Disaggregated data is more revealing: mostof the respondents from Cagayan de Oro (84%) and Bacolod (69%) have links with people with guns, while half and a little over half of the respondents from Cordillera (59%), Bohol (57%), and NCR (50%) have gun-owner contacts."
"These figures obviously do not represent the population and is a poor measure on the actual amount of guns in circulation. The relevance of the figures, however, is the seeming audacity of gun-ownership in the country – audacious in the sense that on the average, each respondent know at least one gun-owner. Likewise, if we take the ratio of male and female gun-owners, there is 1 female to every 5.5 male gun owners. The wide disparity of male and female reported gun-owners adds support to the argument that gun-possession is dominantly a ‘male-thing,’ that is, gun as an instrument of value is linked with the heteronormative conception of assigning the function of protection to males." (Oreta 2009)
Based on the three arguments, I caution those who hail the gun-amnesty program as a major step towards addressing the issue of gun-proliferation in the country. The gun-amnesty is simply an administrative measure to legalize again those who have "slipped" into the illegal fold because of their non-renewal of license. More efforts must be done to (a) curb the illegal manufacture and trade, (b) institute more control to discriminate and/or prevent the issuance of license to abusers (most especially those who have history of domestic abuse), and (c) assuage the perception of insecurity of civilians by instituting measures that would make communities feel safer.
Gun Amnesty must therefore be appreciated and framed in this context.
