Problematizing Security

2011-12-27T04:51:00.000-08:00

Businessworld

Posted on December 26, 2011 08:47:56 PM

Marrying a soldier

It’s hard to marry a soldier. They only get a few days furlough and spend the rest of the year on duty. The left-at-home partner (usually the wife) has to bear the brunt of multifaceted challenges in the home front.

She has to be strong as there’s no shoulder to cry on when the going gets tough; she has to be resourceful to make ends meet; she has to be committed to the relationship as the challenge of distance (making the heart grow fonder or farther) is ever present. But more importantly, she has to steel herself to news that soldiers were killed in action, as the possibility that her husband is among them is always there.

“In the 12 years I’m married, the total number of days I spend at home, perhaps, would not even total one year.” The Master Sergeant may be exaggerating, but who am I to judge?

If it is hard for the wife, it’s even harder for the soldier. “When I was a lieutenant in the ’80s, I missed my girlfriend so much, I had to walk one kilometer just to find a phone to call her.” Despite the mobile phones that now allow easy access to communication, nothing can replace a warm hand you can hold when you’re afraid or when you’re lonely. “Soldiers get homesick everyday.”

The soldier is exposed to all kinds of danger -- armed encounters, triggering a land mine, ambush. Plus the difficult circumstance of their everyday existence -- if assigned to stay in communities, they will have to make do of the temporary camping arrangements available. Either they camp at the barangay hall (which is not advisable, even if the barangay council permits); or in open spaces in the community. Makeshift hammocks under the tree will do to rest the tired body. Taking a bath and using the toilet are the other challenges they face day in and out (the heavy fatigue uniforms they don are not easy to dry, hence, to wash-or-not-to-wash is always the question). If they are assigned to patrol-combat duty, forget the comfort of a regular toilet. You do your thing whenever and wherever you have to. As they candidly joke about it, “malawak ang gubat” (the forest is vast).

I’ve interviewed soldiers in community settings, and while they don’t complain, it’s easy to note that theirs is not the best arrangement there is. A 2nd Lieutenant interviewed was friendly, but he was perspiring profusely, I hope not because he was bashful. It was almost 12 noon and the sun was up in all its glory. The humidity was high in the coastal town somewhere in Camarines Sur. In a small, abandoned structure that used to be the barangay hall, he tried his best to explain the work they do in the community.

Jumping now to the island of Leyte, the company headquarters overlooks the valley. It’s beautiful, really, and the nipa hut barracks of soldiers add to the idyllic picture. Made from nipa and bamboo, each hut accommodates two soldiers, and they all share a common bathroom. Not bad. Until I learned that the soldiers pay for the hut construction themselves. I was aghast, arguing that it should be the military institution that should pay for the soldiers’ accommodation. But the Major and Lt. Colonel explained that the company has only limited funds, enough to build the common meeting/eating area of soldiers, plus a small office. The living quarters expense has to be shared by enlisted personnel, otherwise, they will be sacrificing the budget intended for military operations and community integration. I couldn’t argue anymore (but the image of the million-peso curtains purchased by a former chief justice for the image improvement of the Supreme Court crawled out of my memory. Curtains vs. barracks. I guess curtains are more important in a parallel universe).

As they hack the coconut shells for us to drink and eat, I felt a sense of guilt as our presence somehow inconvenienced them. But they seemed to be genuinely happy to share their ideas and views with us. I guess when you’re in the field for several weeks, a break from the seeming monotony of military operations is a welcome respite.

Indeed, it’s hard to be a soldier. Yet, it’s puzzling that hundreds still apply. Why soldiering?

The PMA 1st class cadets were straightforward. “Corny as it may sound, but love of country is still very strong among us here at the PMA.”

“Gusto kong makatulong sa pamilya ko at sa bayan,” said a Corporal from Negros Occidental, his hands firmly clasped on the long firearm as the truck we rode traversed the bumpy road. He enlisted when he was 19 years old. He’s now 24.

The former rebel I interviewed in Negros said the same: “I want to help my family and my country.” He recounted the same hardship in doing patrol operations -- the never-ending walk, the limited food, the constant fear of being killed in action. The only things that divided the Corporal and the former rebel were the combat uniform and this thing called “ideology.” Remove that and they could easily pass as brothers. (The Philippines has the longest running armed conflict against communist rebels. Countless lives have been sacrificed -- soldiers and rebels the same.)

As I write this piece, five soldiers were killed and two were wounded when an alleged ambush took place in Surigao del Sur. It happened on the first day of a truce approved by President Aquino.

Five wives will have a very lonely Christmas. It is, indeed, hard to marry a soldier.

The changing face of the military

2011-12-13T06:09:00.000-08:00

Business World online

Posted on December 12, 2011 08:49:10 PM

The changing face of the military

Blueboard
By Apple Santiago Oreta

EDSA. 1986 February. Outside the gate of the old GMA 7, we tried to engage the soldiers inside in friendly conversation. Through the crevices of the metal gate, I tried my best to talk to a private. He was 19 years old. He just came from Mindanao, his unit hastily deployed to Manila. He had no idea what was happening -- “we’re just following orders.” He was very guarded all throughout, never letting go of his long firearm. He rarely looked at me, and seemed to be avoiding eye contact.

I was just warming up with my “project interview” when June Keithley of Radyo Bandido announced that an order to disperse the crowd outside GMA 7 had been issued -- that’s us. There were only a few of us there -- barely a hundred. Immediately, the tension was up. As there was no organized group present to direct actions, some people took control and gave out orders -- ”‘all women and nuns in front (believing that soldiers will not harm women); all men at the back. Lock arms, we will not let them drive us out.”

As I was in kapit-bisig with a nun at my side, I could feel my heart almost at my throat. I’d never felt so afraid. The soldiers inside were heavily armed. Will they drive us out at all cost? Will my private -- whom I believe (or fantasize?) was warming up to me -- not hesitate to “follow orders?”

We were in that position for a few minutes (though it felt like hours) with the monotone prayer novena of the nuns in the background lulling us to calm down. June Keithley again on the radio, announcing that there was a stand down order in GMA 7. We let out a collective sigh of relief. But that incident instantly created an invisible wall between the crowd and the soldiers inside GMA 7, and we kept a safe distance hence as we continued with the vigil.

More than 20 years passed, the scene continues to play in my head. The what-could-have-been questions continue to baffle me -- what if the confrontation materialized -- would my private not hesitate to harm me/us just to follow orders? The experience somehow casts how I would regard the military over the years -- in arms-length distance (several arms-length, in fact).

Last December 2010, the AFP launched the Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP)-Bayanihan as its new campaign plan. It offers a stronger platform in the areas of human rights (HR), international humanitarian law (IHL), the rule of law (RoL); and on accountability and civilian engagement. One year after, on November 29, civil society groups launched the Bantay Bayanihan -- an oversight mechanism to monitor the AFP’s Bayanihan campaign plan.

As I listened to AFP Chief of Staff General Oban, a clear realization dawned on me -- the military is indeed changing. The words and ideas put forward by Gen. Oban, as did the other officers I’ve met, are unthinkable to even imagine 10 years ago. I had goose bumps all over.

“The strategic concepts are what makes the IPSP different and ensures its success. These concepts, the Whole-of-Nation approach and the People-centered approach, give us our focus, which is the Filipino people. Instead of the security of the state, we are looking at the security of the Filipino citizenry. If we are able to secure our citizens the consequence of this is the security of the state (sic). And thus it is there that we must focus our energies first. The only way for us to do this is when everyone works together. We are all in the business of peace. It is not left to those who are armed to prevent violence but rather a collective approach where we all bring our contributions in a convergence.” (Gen. Oban, 29 Nov 2011)

As an open document, the IPSP allows everyone to see the big picture. While the chain-of-command and the need-to-know mantra are still strongly placed, the ordinary soldier -- like my private of 1986 -- now has a chance to understand what is the end goal of everything they are doing.

Indeed, we may be witnessing a bold social experiment, i.e., infusing the democratic value of transparency (albeit, of course, within bounds) in the military structure. While some may argue that “democracy” in the military is oxymoronic, we may be seeing a social experiment in progress. This makes it even more compelling for civil society groups to monitor and engage the institution as it embarks on reforming itself by strengthening the democratic values within.

As I end this piece, my mind pans back to my private. What has become of him 25 years hence? Has he been promoted? Resigned? Wounded? (I dare not go to the last possibility). I hope wherever he is, he is well, and as excited as I am with the changing face of the military. And I don’t even know his name.

The author is the convener of the ADMU Political Science Department-Working Group on Security Sector Reform (WG-SSR), a group of faculty, staff, and students involved in research and projects that promote security sector reform. Convened in 2009, it has since initiated several round table discussions that focus on the democratic control of the armed forces; gave lectures on HR-IHL; and conducted research projects on issues that exacerbate conflict dynamics (e.g., gun violence and conflict prevention).

The WG-SSR is an academe-based initiative aimed at harnessing the research and teaching skills of academics towards a meaningful transformation and development of the security sector. Comments are welcome appleoreta@gmail.com

AFP's Plan: Same Old, same new?

2011-11-22T00:34:00.000-08:00

Business World

Blueboard

22 Nov 2011

Opinion

Posted on November 21, 2011 08:14:18 PM

AFP’s plan: Same old, same new?

President Aquino emphasized that his administration’s security agenda capitalizes on a multi-stakeholder approach to peace and security. To address the root causes of the ongoing conflicts, there is a need to engage not only state security forces, but more importantly other stakeholders -- national government agencies, civil society organizations (CSOs), and community based groups. This was the frame, according to the AFP, of their 2011 Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP)-Bayanihan.

What sets apart the IPSP-Bayanihan from past campaign plans is the strong participation of civil society groups and relevant government agencies in its formulation. This process, apparently, is the first of its kind in SEA, if not in Asia. Representatives of national government and civil society groups -- this author included -- actively debated with AFP senior officers, yielding a document that, while clearly military in nature, recognizes the importance of the non-combatant/people-engagement approach in addressing security issues.

“[t]he present plan gives equal emphasis to combat and non-combat dimensions of military operations. Thus, the present plan not only uses old indicators of success (i.e. combat based); it also explores non-combat parameters of success in addressing the country’s peace and security problems.” (IPSP 2011 p.4)

Whether the plan is a rehash of the old (Bantay Laya) or a totally new animal is debatable. When carefully analyzed, the Bayanihan offers stronger platforms especially in the areas of human rights (HR), international humanitarian law (IHL) and the rule of law (RoL); as well as on accountability and civilian engagement. It also offers a broader view on security, moving away from the traditional statist notion, and embracing a more inclusive people-centered human security frame.

On the other hand, however, it is also couched in broad terms to give commanding officers enough legroom for a context-based approach in dealing with peace and security concerns in their area of operation. This allowance for a context-based approach can work both ways -- one, if the commanding officer is convinced with the new direction that Bayanihan offers, the plan becomes his platform to initiate innovative approaches as well as strengthen his unit’s engagement with civilian groups; on the other hand, if the commanding officer is not fully sold to the idea, he can use the same Bayanihan plan to continue doing things using the old-bias on counter-insurgency. In other words, contending interpretations exist of it being “old” or “new.”

This is the view of civil society groups -- this author, again, included -- who are now in the process of creating a “Bantay Bayanihan” network. The Bantay Bayanihan -- BB for short -- hopes to institutionalize the active engagement of CSOs and other security stakeholders in the implementation of the plan. It is envisioned to be a dialogue space that brings together CSOs, the academe, civilian government units, and the PNP, to dialogue with the respective AFP unit in the area, and together problematize these contending views of ‘old’ and ‘new.’

But more importantly, the BB intends to generate concise policy recommendations with regard to the IPSP implementation as well as on peace and conflict dynamics and security sector reform concerns, to be submitted to the AFP Chief of Staff (at the national level) or Commanding General (at the local-unified command/ division level); and to relevant local and national level government units. In other words, the Bantay Bayanihan intends to bring peace, security, and development issues into open public debate and to the attention of policy makers.

This initiative is purely civil society led and parallels the Peace and Order Council (POC) of the local government units. In areas where the POC is functioning and dynamic, the BB becomes one of the groups that sit in the POC. In situations, however, where the POC is not fully operational, the BB becomes an alternative venue where peace and security issues can be discussed.

This initiative is actually not new. If we survey the local terrain, we’ll see that CSOs are already doing a lot of engagements with the AFP, albeit in varying degrees and mostly in an ad-hoc arrangement. The Bantay Bayanihan simply aims to institutionalize these activities. As the term “Bantay” connotes, the network aims to be a watchdog in as far as the IPSP-Bayanihan is concerned; but it also intends to journey with the AFP in its reform agenda. The idea, hence, is for CSOs to retain and maintain its critical stance, but at the same time, recognize and support the efforts from within the AFP to rectify its past mistakes. Constructive engagement is the operative word.

Joining this network though is precarious, especially since the AFP is not the most popular institution thus far. The possibility of being labeled as an apologist of the military is real and imminent. But remaining on the sidelines and simply watching things unfold is equally dangerous. To rephrase PNoy, choosing to criticize rather than doing something makes us part of the problem.

So, there, risking to be labeled and judged by self-righteous groups who think they have the monopoly of truth, this network of CSOs have courageously stepped-up and joined the Bantay Bayanihan initiative. As someone famous once said, revolution can be launched by a few committed individuals. If we are serious in pursuing change, we shouldn’t be afraid to face the music.

The Bantay Bayanihan will be launched on Nov. 29, 2011. Please e-mail the author for details.

The column writer is actively engaged in security sector reform and development projects, and is a member of the Ateneo de Manila University’s Dept. of Political Science. Comments are welcome appleoreta@gmail.com

What the F***! (on AK-47 and Basilan)

2011-10-26T06:59:00.000-07:00

Business World

Opinion

Posted on October 24, 2011 08:33:59 PM

What the f***! (on AK-47, Basilan)

Blueboard By Apple Santiago Oreta

Borrowing my students’ expression, this was my reaction when the AK-47 fiasco involving Presidential Adviser on Political Affairs Ronald Llamas happened. I have no doubt that the AK-47 is legally licensed, and that all papers are in place (although it is a bit at overacting, in my view, to have this high-powered firearm in one’s car, if the objective is self-protection).

But what are the issues here: (1) a gun license is issued to a person and it is non-transferrable. If the gun is found in the possession of another, that’s automatically a violation, and hence one can be charged with “illegal possession” of firearms (Llamas’s aides could have been charged with “illegal possession,” had they been arrested); (2) If you bring your gun to the airport, you can deposit it at the PNP desk (all airports have this) and claim it once you reach your destination or claim it when you get back. Again, this is based on the premise that no other person should hold one’s firearm but the licensee. All legal gun-owners know this. What Llamas should have done is to either deposit his AK-47 to the PNP desk, or not bring it at all if he’s travelling (request instead for a PNP security detail en route to the airport).

The nonchalance in the stance of Lllamas and Malacañang on this issue shows how laws can be wantonly and discriminately disregarded by those close to the “kitchen” of power -- more disappointing since the administration always harp on the “daang matuwid” rhetoric.

The over-reliance on guns for self-protection -- afflicting many, including Llamas -- stems from one’s assessment of the security situation and the capacity of the state forces to provide safety. In a study we conducted in 2009-2010 regarding gun proliferation and violence, it is clear that the social-physical insecurity of people is high due to the perceived inability of state forces to make them feel secure. In a related study I did in 2008, the groups who have heightened feeling of insecurity are those who feel (rightly or wrongly) victimized and/or who feel they are being targeted by aggressive acts. The Chinese, especially those with business, feel that they are targeted by criminal syndicates; while the Muslims feel they are “minoritized” and marginalized, and hence, feel a greater need to protect themselves. This partly explains the preponderance of firearms -- a number of which are high powered -- among Chinese businessmen and Muslim communities.

The demand for guns spikes its proliferation in society. The paradox, however, is the more guns become available and accessible, the higher also is the possibility of its misuse. This is where I segue to the Al-Barka, Basilan incident.

It is no secret that a number of loose firearms are found in Mindanao, particularly in areas with active conflicts -- I believe not so much due to the allure of the barrel, but more due to the insecurity caused by armed groups in conflict. Possession of firearms in these areas, in fact, is so valued -- by both Christians and Muslims, according to sources, that all means are exhausted just to secure them.

In the 2007 Al-Barka incident where 14 marines died, the International Crisis Group reported that “[o]nce combat began, armed men from surrounding neighborhoods, including ASG fighters, joined against the marines in the hope of sharing in the spoils -- captured equipment, arms or ammunition -- or of avenging past wrongs.” (Asia Report No. 152, 2008, italics supplied) In the Oct 18, 2011, recent clash, again in Al-Barka, sources speculate that the Special Forces were outnumbered due again to the same “pintakasi” method used in 2007, causing the death of 19 men.

If indeed true, this paints a grimmer reality than just the issue of bungled operations and its implications on the peace talks. We may be dealing with a more insidious, troubling context. And religion has nothing to do here, as I’ve seen a similar incident, albeit without guns, in my childhood, in my very Christian neighborhood.

When one joins the mob and engages in killing faceless and nameless opponents -- not so much due to disagreement in politics and principles, but more due to what s/he has that one wants: his firearm, ammunitions, and other possession -- this image disturbs me no end. When the firearm becomes the deity, human lives become unimportant -- and literally, all means will be exhausted to secure them.

Decades-old conflict with no end in sight creates this climate. Feeling unsafe and insecure for generations reaches a tipping point, sadly, at the expense of lives -- “better you than me.” A firearm -- and its possession -- becomes the end all and be all of one’s existence. This is how low we have gone as a people. This is how armed conflict dehumanizes us all.

I believe that a major step in finding a way out of our security and insecurity malady is for our security sector institutions to put their acts together -- not just the military and police, but the justice institutions, the local government, the welfare units, and all related units relevant to the creation and reproduction of “security.” Simplistic as it may sound, a security sector review can begin by ensuring that everyone -- most especially those who are inside the “kitchen” of power -- respect and follow the law. As we teachers always say -- to teach is to model. You can’t be a government official -- much less a political adviser -- if you’re the first to violate the law. I’m just saying!

The writer is doing security sector reform (SSR) projects as part of the Ateneo de Manila University’s nation-building efforts. Comments are welcomeappleoreta@gmail.com

The Hope Virus

2011-09-29T17:24:00.001-07:00

Business World

Posted on September 26, 2011 08:39:15 PM

The Hope virus

Blueboard
By Apple Santiago Oreta

The group was in a quandary. They had been doing the same projects and the same strategy for years. Yet, the problem persisted -- they were still confronted by the never-ending cycle of underdevelopment, radicalization of poverty, and insurgency. There had to be another way to intervene.

Determined to do something, the group decided to take a new route: offer college scholarship to a few qualified individuals. The basic requirement was simple: beneficiaries must come from the poorest families in the communities where they operated (and of course, they should pass the entrance test of the nearby state college).

The group offered scholarships to six individuals -- covering P3,400 of tuition (note that this amount already covered -- hold your breath -- 24 units!); P2,600 for miscellaneous fees; and other fees of about P1,000. In all, P7,000 per semester per student. These fees were manageable, based on funds solicited by the group from generous donors. (Two politicians who heard of the initiative offered to cover the school fees of four more scholars.)

But given the circumstances of these students, the group offered more -- each scholar was assigned a mentor to tutor him/her in difficult subjects (the tutor also doubled as “kuya” -- big brother -- in whom scholars could confide just about any concern). The brightest among the group was appointed as head-tutor to these scholars.

Wait, there was even more: the group also gave each of the students an allowance of P2,500 per month to cover school expenses and “baon” (pocket money). This amount was from their own pockets: each member of the group contributed P50 per month.

The group that I refer to here was not an NGO or a religious congregation. It is the 11th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army. The “Kuyas” (and a few “Ates”) to these scholars were the officers and ordinary soldiers of the battalion; the same ones who contributed P50 per month. (Note that the salaries of enlisted soldiers of AFP are barely above the minimum wage, yet, with no complaints, no questions, they willingly shared their meager income.)

During the Church-Military Action Group (CMAG) meeting last August in San Carlos, Negros Oriental, the scholars offered a song -- “Panahon na ng Pag-kakaisa.” The song was replete with layers of meaning, given the context of the place and the participants of the meeting: The church and the military have always been antagonistic with each other (though the CMAG is trying to bridge these groups); and the area where the meeting was taking place is a hotbed of conflict between the AFP and the NPA. Hearing these young adults -- who grew up in a context where “may encounter” (there’s an encounter between the AFP and the NPA) and “may napatay” (someone got killed) as part of their everyday conversation -- sing “panahon na ng pagkakaisa” really pierced the heart.

I felt a lump in my throat as I watched the lieutenant colonel, head of the 11th Infantry Battalion, unabashedly sing along with the scholars as they performed -- he obviously was the one who taught them the song. He beamed with pride, like a father pleased with his kids, after the scholars performed flawlessly. The commanding heneral of the 3rd Infantry Division smiled approvingly.

And hope really springs from the stories of these scholars. “My father is a farmer; mine’s a tricycle driver...we have no means to go to college, now our families put their hopes on us...I want to be a teacher so I can teach the kids in our community...I want to help my family out of poverty...” These may sound too cliché and common, but to them, these dreams are flesh-and-blood real. And there’s magic in their eyes as they share their dreams. There’s optimism. There’s hope.

More than providing these scholars the opportunity to get a college degree, the program actually offered more -- it gave the people the chance to hope again. In communities afflicted with decades-old poverty and armed conflict, the modest scholarship program meant to help just a handful, unexpectedly created a wellspring of hope among the people, a sense of optimism that’s beginning to catch fire. In Guihulngan, Negros Oriental, in a barangay known to be among the recruitment areas of insurgents, the parents were eager to know more about the scholarship program. “Will there be a new batch next year?” “What are the requirements?” “When can we apply?” From their excited stance and the twinkle in their eyes, you know that they have caught the “hope virus.”

I take my hat off to the men and women of the 11th IB. In their eagerness to intervene in the never-ending cycle of insurgency and poverty, they embarked on a very simple, unpretentious project, without thinking of how their organization (the AFP) would regard it; without planning for its long-term sustainability, they made the plunge, solid in their resolve that the program was the right thing to do -- hope truly springs eternal to those who believe. A scholarship program for the poorest of the poor -- an uncomplicated project whose nobility lay in its simplicity and sincerity.

And to the 10 scholars -- Jomar, Emer, Jevie, Blessie, Annelyn, Angela, Jessibel, Mannilyn, Manilyn, and Nemie -- you give more meaning to the adage “ang kabataan ang pag-asa ng bayan.” Indeed, you give hope to us all.

The column writer is actively engaged in security sector reform and development (SSRD) projects as part of the Ateneo de Manila University’s nation-building efforts. Comments are welcome appleoreta@gmail.com

Let's talk straight

2011-09-03T04:23:00.000-07:00

The exchanges between the NDF panel and the Government panel are obviously heating up, with the NDF panel on the offensive. They claim that the Government is trying to renege on its commitment of freeing the NDF peace panel consultants based on the JASIG agreement. The NDF claims that apart from the 4 who have already been released (much to the chagrin of some military and police officers who are outsiders in the process), there are 13 more - currently detained and facing court/ legal cases - who must be freed immediately. They are making this demand as a condition for the talks to proceed. This demand actually puts the peace negotiations in a tenuous situation.

While it is true that there is a JASIG agreement (dated Feb 24, 1995), it is also based on both party's honoring the fine-prints of the agreement. Under the JASIG (Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees), negotiators, consultants, staff, security, and other personnel of the peace negotiation ("not exceeding 85 in number") of each side are supposed to enjoy immunity (from surveillance, harassment, search, arrest, detention, prosecution and interrogation and other similar punitive actions) and have safe conduct passes so they can move freely and unhindered in "all areas in the Phils in connection with their performance of their duties in the peace negotiations."

All peace panel negotiators, consultants et al are supposed to hold 2 documents - (a) a document of identification (DI) issued by the respective party , and (b) an acknowledgement letter (AL) issued by the other party containing "the name and designation of the the duly accredited person...and the period of validity of his/her document of identification..."

As additional check, and perhaps also in case when the person fails to produce the two documents (or any of the two documents), each of the personnel enumerated above are supposed to "submit a photograph to the Chairperson of the Negotiating Panel to which he/she belongs. Said photograph shall be placed in a sealed envelope and shall be entrusted to the custody of a mutually acceptable third party...thereafter the sealed envelope shall be deposited in a safety deposit box protected by three separate locks and shall be opened only when the need for further verification of identity arises..." (emphasis mine) The assumed name and the true name of the holders of DIs are supposed to accompany the photographs.

I am not a lawyer but I do know that the rule in statutory construction is to read/ understand the sentence or phrase on its face value. If the agreement says "submit a photograph" and "(s)aid photograph shall be placed in a sealed envelope..." isn't it clear and plain english to mean a hard copy, a printed photo?

When the peace talks between the Govt of the Philippines (GPh) and the National Democratic Front of the Phils (NDFP) resumed in February this year (after a long hiatus of 6 years), both parties agreed on a time table: 18 mos to 3 years. This means that the panel's energy will be (should be) concentrated on the three substantive agenda items - socio-economic reforms (SER), political/electoral-constitutional reform (PCR), and end of hostilities-disposition of forces (EoF-DoF) - the first substantive agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement of Respect for Human Rights and Intl Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) was already signed in 1998.

Meaning, the three remaining substantive agreements are the most important agenda (or the main agenda), and the others must defer to the main agenda.

They've also agreed that the Govt will work on the release of NDF consultants subject to verification process (after 16 years since the JASIG was signed, I think it's fair to move for verification of identities esp. if the consultants don't have with them any of the two documents mentioned above (DI and AL).

Unfortunately, when the safety deposit box was opened, what the sealed envelope contains are diskettes - not photographs, but diskettes (remember, it was 1995 when all these happened, so i am assuming that the diskettes used are the 3.5 colorful one's) - supposedly containing the necessary informations stated above (picture, true name, alias/es). Adding malady to this unfortunate revelation is that the content of the diskettes are encrypted, and the NDF team can't de-crypt the files.

So, the verification process failed. So what do we do now?

The NDF accuses the government of not complying with the JASIG agreement. But how can the govt. comply if in the first place there is no way to verify if the claim of the NDF is true (that is, that the 13 are consultants to the peace process).

(Complicating the issue is the fact that the 13 are also facing legal cases - meaning, there are people who have filed cases against them. Hence, it's not only the law enforcement units and the justice dept that are affected, there are also people who believe that their rights were violated and are trying to find restitution.)

Because of the JASIG issue, the 3 substantive agenda, supposedly the "stars" of the talks, are being sidelined (rather than the other way around). The SER and PCR that're supposed to be discussed last June and Aug have been postponed. The problem is, since the panels agreed on the (18 mos to 3 years) time table, the September scheduled meeting is contingent on the June (SER) and August (PCR) technical working group outputs. Without a SER and PCR common draft, what will the 2 panels discuss in case the meeting proceed as scheduled this September?

Based on news reports, the GPh wants the committees on SER and PCR to finally meet this Sept; the NDF on the other hand wants to talk about the JASIG issue.

So are we back to where we started (the peace talks has been on-going for 24, going 25 years)? I hope not. Both panels must find a common ground to sit down again and talk.

It is crucial now, more than ever, for groups supportive of the talks to make their voices heard. It is even more important, however, for the public to understand where the talks stand now.

(I am saddened however, that some news reporters (who are clearly biased) seem to forget that their primary responsibility is to present the clear picture and allow the readers to make the judgement themselves. I do recognize that all of us have biases - it's human nature - but as professionals, it is also imperative that we (try as much as we can to) temper these prejudices.)

The Human Rights Crucible

2011-08-26T19:29:00.000-07:00

My article in Business World

Posted on August 22, 2011 08:48:13 PM

Blueboard -- Apple Santiago Oreta

The human rights crucible

Heart pumping, the 16-year-old courier tries his best to be nonchalant as he alights the jeep. Inside his backpack is a plastic bag thoroughly wrapped in packaging tape. He has no idea what it contains, except that he will be given two hundred pesos if he can get it pass the checkpoint.

While waiting with the other passengers for the military to finish their inspection, he was singled out by a soldier. His eyes, his sweating, and fidgety stance gave him away. Inside the package is a gun, and the 16-year-old boy is brought to the nearest military detachment to be questioned. Human rights group claims that the boy’s right has been violated.

Human rights (HR) violation has always been the bane of the military. This is because its basic nature is "aggressive" -- after all, it is trained to defend the country from external threats. In the absence of an external enemy, however, the military is instead utilized to address internal peace and order-security problems -- a political decision that has proven to be disastrous, as the mismatch between training and duty has led to strings of human rights violations. (It is indeed injurious for a democratic state to utilize the military in solving erstwhile domestic security concerns -- doing so not only undermines the civilian security forces but also heightens the politicization of the military ranks. But that’s another discussion.)

The military is the coercive arm of the state and its primary objective is to preserve the status quo. It is not an independent unit but acts within the ambit of the political administration in power. Its acts of commission and omission are within the purview of the political leadership. In other words, while it is the individual soldier who promotes (or violates) human rights, the human rights regime is framed and constructed by the political leadership.

This is the crucible. Human rights promotion -- or violation -- is a choice, a choice made by individuals, but framed in the context of the (formal and informal) reward and punishment of the political administration.

The PNoy administration is expected, even demanded by HR groups to show proof that it is committed to make human rights the bedrock of its administration. Creating HR offices in the AFP and the PNP are good moves, but not enough. Appointing Commissioner Etta Rosales to CHR is good, but not enough. The administration must clearly show that it is the exact opposite of previous governments that were known for giving political allowances to violators, further fortifying the culture of impunity. Making human rights the foundation of the security agenda of the government requires more than just declaratory statements. (After all, the culture of impunity didn’t just materialize out of thin air -- it was constructed and nurtured over several decades, and survived several political administrations.) Strengthening the human rights regime -- to be lasting and resolute -- must be definitive and carefully crafted.

The IPSP (Internal Peace and Security Plan)-Bayanihan of the AFP is a promising platform meant not just to strengthen the reform initiatives of the institution, but more importantly to configure its operational directives within the human rights framework. The Bayanihan plan was launched and endorsed by no less than President Aquino last January 2011.

The new IPSP puts people’s security -- instead of state preservation -- at the heart of the military’s operation. With the (old) state-centered paradigm, all those who challenge the political authority of the state are considered as "enemy." This "enemy" labeling, to a large extent, predicates the numerous human rights violations of the military. It is expected that all this will dramatically change if the IPSP-Bayanihan is implemented according to how it was envisioned.

One implication of the IPSP is the need to review the "reward and punishment" scheme of the military. For instance, if units are rewarded for the "firearms recovered’ and "body-count" (i.e., neutralized or detained rebels), the military’s traditional way of measuring merit, there must also be a clear scheme to reward those engaged in HR and peace building work. Similarly the punishment against violators must be made stiffer and consistently enforced. "Zero tolerance" to violators should not just be a propaganda statement but an honest-to-goodness declaration of policy. This is the only way for the public to believe that the military is really serious in reforming itself.

Equally significant is the engagement of the civil society. But the question is, are NGOs ready and willing to constructively (albeit still critically) engage with the military -- despite its numerous transgressions and institutional imperfections? This maybe quite a hurdle.

In the end while it is convenient to resort to the usual rhetoric, it is even more important for people to step up its pressure to make HR a political accountability issue. If Ninoy and Cory gave their lives for democracy, I hope that PNoy’s defining legacy will be its commitment to human rights protection. No less can be expected from someone who himself was a victim of rights violation and abuse.

Back at the military detachment, the soldiers were castigated by their commanding officer for not bringing the 16-year-old boy to the nearest police station instead of the military camp. The soldiers explained that they are unaware of the rules and have no intention to violate the boy’s rights. Unfortunately for them, ignorance is not a valid excuse.

The column writer is actively engaged in security sector reform and development (SSRD) projects as part of the Ateneo de Manila University’s contribution to nation-building efforts. Comments are welcome appleoreta@gmail.com

Held 'hostage' for four decades

2011-08-09T01:51:00.000-07:00

I am posting here the the article I've written for the Column "Blueboard" in Business World (a Phil. major daily paper), 9 Aug 2011. Blueboard is published every other Tues of the month.

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Blueboard -- Apple Santiago Oreta

Held ‘hostage’ for four decades

Armed conflict is the country’s major concern -- running for four decades now. Armed groups in the country include not just the rebels but also private armed groups (PAGs) and criminal syndicates. While there is a confluence of factors that contribute to their proliferation and resilience, the foremost reasons are poor social-economic conditions, easy access to guns, and poor governance.

The net effect of armed hostilities in communities is usually manifested in low economic activity due to lack of investments, limited employment opportunities, shrinking middle class, and migration of skilled workers and professionals. Unfortunately, such situation only heightens discontent among the people, creating a fertile ground for radicalization of dissent, and strengthens further the unending cycle of insurgency and underdevelopment.

It’s a no-brainer to see that everyone would benefit if sustained peace -- rather than conflict -- ensues. Many continue to dream that peace is within reach. This is the inspiration of the current peace talks with rebel groups (its success, however, remains to be seen). This is also the motive in pushing the government to seriously crack down on PAGs and criminal syndicates.

But there are structural constraints that directly impinge on the pursuit of peace. First, the Philippine state still suffers from a bad combination of (a) being unable to consistently (and impartially) enforce the rule of law, and (b) having state institutions that are held "hostage" by self-serving officials who take advantage of the state’s capacity to monopolize resources and (coercive) power. Together, these two seriously affect the capacity of the any administration to actually implement good governance programs and improve the socioeconomic condition of the people.

Second, there remain "bad elements" -- shadows -- in the security sector institutions that obstruct the pursuit of the "daang matuwid." There are a lot of individuals and groups who benefit from conflict, both financially and politically, and hence would naturally prevent its resolution.

At present, a number of NGOs and business groups are already working toward instituting political and electoral reforms -- measures that are meant to solve the first constraint.

The second constraint -- security sector reform -- remains the most daunting.

Very few really give time and attention on security and peace issues. While many of us view it as important, in reality, most really don’t give it much thought except when security institutions get embroiled with corruption issues or violation of rights. Serious discourse on peace and security are still within the confines of traditional security institutions like the defense department, the military and police institutions, and very few NGOs.

Security is regarded, for the most part, as a "black box" that is left to the "specialists." This seeming lack of interest and involvement, unfortunately, has its unintended consequences. For instance, until now, despite the decades-long conflicts, the public’s appreciation of its nuances remains shallow. Some teachers continue to lecture that the root cause of the conflict in Mindanao is the religious differences of Muslims and Christians -- a view that perpetuates stereotypes and adds, rather than abate, conflict formation. The harmonization of development and security agenda remains to be on the superficial level, resulting in continued failure of development initiatives especially in areas with active conflicts.

On the broader and more strategic level, allowing the "security experts" to define the peace and security agenda have contributed to the myopic and short-sighted strategies embraced by past administrations, as attested by the vacillating policy of "all-out-war" now - "all-out-peace" tomorrow. It is no surprise, thus, that the government has been, and still is, engaged in armed hostilities with (and our alphabet soup of acronyms of armed/ hostile groups are perhaps unrivaled in the world) the CPP-NPA-NDF; MILF; ASG. Note, though, that there has been headway -- the Ramos government signed a peace agreement with the MNLF in 1996; and the OPAPP or the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process signed an agreement with the RPM-RPA-ABB in December 2000, and a closure agreement with the CPLA in July 2011.

But that notwithstanding, the fact remains: peace remains elusive for more than four decades. Especially in conflict areas, a whole generation has been born and raised in hostile environment, creating serious implications on community cohesion, in building trust and tolerance, on ending bigotry and discrimination, and in framing the common good -- values that are crucial in ending the "wang-wang mentality" and pursuing the "daang matuwid" agenda.

This is the context of this column. It hopes to poke the public’s imagination and bring to the public discourse the issue of peace, conflict, and security dynamics; it also wants to problematize the implications of possible initiatives and alternatives. It wants to generate enough interests on the issue and make it a "coffee table topic" in the different pockets of the public sphere. Only with informed discussion can people move beyond the impassioned positions that seemingly have solidified over generations, and thereby start the process of understanding contexts, framing ideas, and creating a common security agenda.

The column writers -- both women and both faculty members of the Department of Political Science of the Ateneo de Manila University -- will present insights and inspirations, as well as discuss impasses as they actively engage with security sector actors in the effort to bridge the theories of the academe and the realities of the field. But on a more fundamental level, they will challenge the conventional notion that security matters are "men" issues; and that the academe has no business asking security questions.

Hostage taking in Manila

2010-09-07T05:02:00.000-07:00

The hostage taking in Manila placed the Philippines again in the international limelight, albeit in a bad light this time. For the past days, we've been bombarded with the details of the drama, snicker with the stupidity of our government officials, shake our heads with the pitiful training and equipment of the police... but the more interesting and relevant question to ask seems to be neglected - how come a dishonorably discharged police official still have in his possession a M-16 and a cache of armaments? This is obviously a failure on the part of the police to do the most basic - require Mendoza to surrender his weapons when he was discharged. Hence, the PNP-FED must also be questioned.

The Jackass, the Has-been, the Opportunist, and the Naive

2010-05-01T22:58:00.000-07:00

Hands down, this candidate is intelligent and has done something good for his province - but his credential is not an excuse nor a license for him to be a jackass. (One's name maybe a curse, but one always has a choice whether to live by one's name or prove one's detractors wrong).

Hands down, another candidate got the highest percentage-margin against his opponent during an election many years ago. In fact, he got the highest uncontested mandate compared to all the others who occupied the same post in the history of the Philippines. But he botched his chance of helping those who gave him their trust with his inability to curb his excesses.

Hands down, this candidate is a self-made man, earning his millions through hard work - but he later earned his Billions using his position and influence in the government by capitalizing on the flaws and weaknesses of the system. His is a classic case of downright opportunism.

Hands down, too, this candidate is by far the most intelligent given his academic background and achievements - but he is also sooo indebted and declares that he will just allow the courts to take care of the irregular (i mean, corrupt) practices of she-who-must-not-rule-again (to borrow the label from De Quiros). This candidate is obviously turning a blind eye to the fact that our present institutions - courts included - have all been "re-oriented" (ok, corrupted) by the current Palace occupant that they simply regurgitate legal remedies but not necessarily moral and ethical judgment. It's pitiful to hear the naivete of the "let-the-courts-decide" declaration from a supposedly brilliant man.

Yes, too, this election has gone down again to competing personalities rather than platforms and agenda. But I say this election - and all future elections for that matter - will always be about personalities UNLESS we embark on crucial electoral, and more importantly, political reforms.

Our political system is 'WEAK' in prosecuting corrupt officials, but is 'STRONG' in concentrating and monopolizing resources. These, in my view, is the *deadly tandem* that needs immediate attention. Remember NBN-ZTE? Remember the Fertilizer scam? Remember the 'Hello Garci' .... all those involved are still scathe-free, worst, some are even running for office. Our politicians know this reality too well that they are willing to risk life, limb, and their millions just to get elected.

Candidates can have the best and sparklingly solid platform. They can also boast of personal and professional achievements. But unless we address the twin evils of *'weak' institutions-'strong' monopolizing power*, our country will forever be a banana-republic.

The new leader must have the political will to (a) painstakingly weed the system with corrupt officials who are eating away the resources of the country, and equally if not more importantly, (b) put the institutions back in shape, and (c) make sure that these institutions perform according to the collective moral and legal compass. To do these, the leader must not only have the fortitude, s/he must also have the moral ascendancy to do so. (These traits would strengthen the legitimacy of the undertaking. )

The man-in-yellow may have his flaws and weaknesses. But flaws-and-all, he is the only one who consistently brings these issues in the agenda, and thus far, remains untarnished with corrupt practices. That's why I'm voting for him (and his team). And that's why I am also committed to make sure he fulfills his commitment.

Private Governments and Private Armies

2010-03-20T17:36:00.000-07:00

"Private governments" are groups operating in a certain locality that dispense the basic functions of governance. These groups can be composed of a singular family (also known as political dynasty), an alliance of political groups/ families (inter-elite agreement), political-ideological groups like the Communist Party of the Phils-New People's Army (CPP-NPA), Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), or private armed groups like Abu-Sayaff Group (ASG), and cult groups. They are called 'private governments' because they are non-state entities that provide the basics in governance - managing the affairs and events in the area, handling the 'conflict,' providing security.

"Governments are formed by groups that promote particular sets of policies designed to support and respond to the objectives and concerns of particular constituencies. This is true irrespective of whether they are democratically elected or not." (Shearing, 2006). In other words, governments, even if it serves partisan objectives, still attempt to cloak it as 'promoting the common good.' Of course, this "common good" is still defined by the administration in power, but nonetheless, legimitacy is sought by the government and hence there is more compulsion to be more inclusive.

Private governments, however, are motivated by partisan objectives. Its management of the affairs of the locality is meant to support very particularistic, exclusive, and partisan objectives.

In the Philippines, part and parcel of having private governments is to have its twin feature, the private armies. Many euphemism had been coined to cloak private armies with a tinge of legitimacy. They are referred to as bodyguards (if more than 5, I consider it already as a mini-army), civilian volunteer organization (CVO), citizen-armed force geographical unit (CAFGU), civilian home defense force (CHDF). No matter, however, you call it, these are still armed civilians meant to protect partisan, private, and exclusive interests. Private governments continue to rule because of their respective private armies.

The phenomenon of private government-private armies has been with us for a long time. Kuhn (1967) may account for its proliferation as due to our 'intentional collective blindness.'

Weber claims that an important feature of a (mature) political system is for the state to have monopoly of the legitimate use of force. The military and police, despite its nature of being the coercive organs of the state have legitimacy because their use of force is meant to benefit the common good ('common good' as defined by the administration in power).

Thus, the presence of private government and private armies are obviously inimical to deeepening democacry and democratic ideals. To put an end to private governments, I believe the first thing that should be done is to dismantle private armies.

The question, then, is - how can we dismantle private armies?

2010-01-21T17:08:00.000-08:00

A Senate hearing was held last Jan 19, 2010 to discuss all the bills filed re gun/ firearms control, and the HOR consolidated bill HB 6676.

HB 6676 has been certified as urgent by the National Security Council (NSC), and Senators were open to the concepts and proposals contained in the bill. Senator Honasan has agreed to author a bill that would consolidate all Senate bills filed, as well as the HB 6676, to be calendared when the SEnate resumes its session on Feb 5.

Since it has been certified as urgent, there's a possibility that the Firearms Code will get through and be passed as a law before Senate calls a final recess to give way to the election season.

In the meantime, the news below further underscores the need to do a massive shake-up in the ranks of police and military to rid its respective organization with corruption and collusion with warlords.

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P120 million found in Ampatuan compound?
Philstar.com - Friday, January 22, 2010

MANILA, Philippines - Police and military operatives reported recovering more ammunition for high-powered weapons at the compound of Datu Unsay Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr.’s mother-in-law in Shariff Aguak last Wednesday. But was something else recovered but not declared?

Sources alleged yesterday that the raiders also found, but did not declare, P120 million in cash stored in cigarette boxes.

The police director for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), Senior Superintendent Bienvenido Latag, denied last night that cash was found. He said members of the household were present during the raid.

The informants said the cash found in the compound of Samera Nor Santiago were loaded into vehicles of the operatives from Camp Crame and the intelligence unit of the Armed Forces, together with the local police force, before media and the public were allowed access to the area.

The sources said journalists, as standard operating procedure, are only permitted to enter the area of operation once the scene is cleared.

The source added that the operatives divided the P120 million among themselves.

Earlier, there had been reports that huge sums of money were also found in the other mansions of the Ampatuan clan raided by the police.

However, only rifles, machine guns, armored personnel carriers and ammunition were declared.

During last Wednesday’s raid, the police said they dug out several boxes of ammunition for M203 grenade launchers, M16 rifles, light machine guns, seven tripods for caliber 50 machine guns and tripods for 81 mm mortar.

Senior Superintendent Bienvenido Garcia Latag, police director of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), said a search warrant was presented to the house owners in the presence of acting Mayor Monir Ampatuan Asim Jr. of Shariff Aguak and other government officials before the raid was carried out.

Another raid

Authorities in Davao City also raided early yesterday morning a security agency found to be illegally operating and confiscated several high-powered firearms.

Southern Mindanao regional police director Chief Superintendent Pedro Tango led the raid on Banderas Security Agency at 10 Eagle St. GSIS Village, Davao City, allegedly owned and operated by a certain Mussolini Lidasan, a brother-in-law of Energy Undersecretary Zamzamin Ampatuan.

Aside from Lidasan, also arrested was Sgt. Alberto Duhig of the 67th Infantry Battalion.

The raid was conducted by virtue of a search warrant issued by Regional Trial Court Judge Isaac Robillo Jr.

Records at the Security Agencies and Guards Supervision Division showed that Banderas’ license to operate had expired in August 2008 and it was therefore operating illegally.

The raid also showed that the security agency was found to be storing unlicensed firearms.

Authorities seized 19 shotguns, 24 caliber .38 revolvers, and a caliber .45 pistol from Lidasan.

Police also seized four unlicensed firearms consisting of two M16 rifles, a caliber .45 pistol, and a 9 millimeter pistol.

Both suspects are now under the custody of the Davao police.

Lidasan denied the allegations and insisted that the firearms were duly licensed.

He also explained that he is still in the process of complying with the requirements for the license of the Banderas Security Agency so it could legally operate.

Transfer of rebellion case

In a related development, former Maguindanao Gov. Andal Ampatuan Sr., patriarch of the Ampatuan clan tagged in the alleged rebellion in the province last year, yesterday appealed the order of the Supreme Court (SC) transfering the venue of trial of the rebellion case where he is principal accused.

In a motion for reconsideration, he asked the Court to return the venue of trial to courts in General Santos City or Cotabato City after it was transferred to Quezon City regional trial court last Jan. 12.

He argued that it would be more convenient to hold the trial in Mindanao since most of the witnesses are there. He added that there is also no evidence showing partiality of the courts there that should have warranted the transfer.

In reaction, Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera said they would oppose the petition of Ampatuan.

“The prosecution and law enforcement agencies can better handle the case and security of witnesses here,” she argued in an interview with reporters.

The SC had granted last Jan.12 the request of the department of Justice (DOJ) to transfer the rebellion case already filed in court to the Quezon City RTC.

The Court allowed the transfer of venue because of “security reasons and influence of the families involved in the province.”

Last Dec. 9, the DOJ has already filed rebellion case against Ampatuan Sr. and 23 others, including ARMM Gov. Zaldy and his brothers Sajid Islam (acting Maguindanao governor), and Anwar (Shariff Aguak mayor), before the Cotabato regional trial court.

All 24 persons, the DOJ said, did allegedly “willfully, unlawfully and feloniously help, support, promote, maintain, cause, direct and command their followers to rise publicly and take arms against the Republic of the Philippines, or otherwise participate in such armed public uprising, for the purpose of removing allegiance to the government or its laws or depriving the Chief Executive of any of her powers or prerogatives.”

Specific acts of rebellion cited by the DOJ included “massing up armed men and organizing assemblies” and “preventing public prosecutors from being available to conduct inquest and preliminary investigations.”

“There were massive formations of numerous armed civilians supported by armored vehicles and under the command of the Ampatuans who have formed a private army to resist government troops; that the local provincial government of Maguindanao could not function with their employees going on mass leave and their respective offices were closed and not functioning,” the DOJ added.

A total of 638 others are undergoing preliminary investigation at the DOJ in connection with the alleged rebellion in Maguindanao, which was used by the Palace as main ground for issuing Proclamation 1959 that put most areas in the province under martial law.

Meantime, the DOJ also downplayed the reported recantation of a policeman involved in the massacre of 57 people in Maguindanao on Nov. 23 last year, PO1 Anwar Masukat.

Devanadera said the recantation of Masukat would not affect the prosecution of the massacre case simply because he was never presented as a witness.

25 people charged

At least 25 active and retired police officials and civilians were charged with malversation of public funds or property and other related cases before the DOJ with regard to the missing and recovered motor vehicles, firearms and ammunition at the compound of the Ampatuan clan in Maguindanao.

Senior Superintendent Generoso Bonifacio, assistant director for investigation of the Criminal Investigation and Detective Group (CIDG), said a majority of those charged were key in the unauthorized purchase of ammunition, motor vehicles and firearms issued to the Maguindanao police.

Charged were retired Chief Superintendent Bensali Jabarani, former deputy chief for administration of the Police Regional Office- Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (PRO-ARMM); Superintendent Bahnarin Kamaong; Senior Superintendent Danilo Maligalig; Superintendent Abusama Maguid; retired Superintendent Piang Adam; SPO1 Boy Sambolawan; Inspector Saudi Mokamad; Inspector Nestor Chio; PO1 Datu Ali Amigos Amil; PO1 Samsudin Abdullah; ret. Inspector Boma Tambokan; SPO1 Zaldy Elisan; SPO4 Musib Mala; SPO1 Edgardo Cruz; PO3 Gerardo Pama; PO1 Abdulkahar Edris; SPO2 Musaiden Akmal Guiadem; PO1 Aratuc Maulama; PO2 Odin Baulo; Mayor Datu Zacaria Sangki; Victor Karunungan; Eduardo Santos; Lyn de Martin Justo; Melba Valdez Libao, and Romulo Tuscano, the former supply accountable officer (SAO) PNP-wide in Camp Crame.

Bonifacio filed the charges before the DOJ this week based on the inventory report of the Directorate of Investigation and Detective Management (DIDM) and the Directorate for Logistics (DL) of the Philippine National Police (PNP).

PNP chief Director General Jesus Verzosa ordered the inventory of motor vehicles and issued firearms and ammunition of the Maguindanao police.

An inventory report submitted by Director Luizo Ticman, head of the directorate for logistics of the PNP, claimed that of the 87 motor vehicles issued to the Maguindanao police, 76 were accounted for.

A total of 1,171 short and long firearms were issued to the local police and only 612 were located.

At least 27 firearms issued by the PNP were among those recovered during joint police and military operations in separate raids at the compounds of the Ampatuan clan.

However, the CIDG claimed that four of the recovered firearms were not PNP property after examination by the crime laboratory showed that their serial numbers were tampered with.

Of the more than 1 million rounds of ammunition recovered from the Ampatuan compound, some 600,000 have markings of Armscor while the rest were from the arsenal of the Department of National Defense (DND).

Teodoro dares accuser

Lakas-Kampi-CMD standard-bearer Gilbert Teodoro Jr. yesterday dared one of the lawyers of the Ampatuan clan to file charges against him should it be proven that he was responsible for arming the Ampatuans.

Lawyer Philip Pantojan had accused Teodoro of being liable for arming the Ampatuans in his capacity as former defense chief.

“What would be best is for him to sue me if he has evidence,” Teodoro said.

Barangay councilor killed

Suspected followers of detained Datu Unsay Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. gunned down yesterday a barangay councilor in Ampatuan, police said.

Senior Superintendent Alex Lineses, provincial director of the Maguindanao police, identified the slain village leader as Talib Salahudin of Barangay Kakal in Ampatuan town.

The victim, according to Lineses, was on his way home to Barangay Kakal when gunmen blocked his path and opened fire with assault rifles.

Salahudin has reportedly been helping the police and the military in locating the whereabouts of armed followers of Ampatuan Jr.

“He has also actively supported the efforts of the military in locating the areas where firearms of the Ampatuan militia are said to be hidden,” said a local official in Ampatuan town who asked not to be identified.

Lineses said Salahudin is not a relative of Ampatuan Vice Mayor Sangki, as earlier stated in text messages that circulated in the province after he was killed near his farm in Barangay Kakal.

Witness Sangki has been helping prosecute his uncle Ampatuan Jr. for allegedly leading the armed band that massacred 57 people, many of them journalists, in Barangay Salman, Ampatuan municipality last Nov. 23.

Lineses said policemen are now in pursuit of the gunmen who killed Salahudin, who were last seen fleeing to hinterlands at the border of Ampatuan and South Upi, Maguindanao.

Not scared

Nena Santos, counsel of Buluan Vice Mayor Esmael Mangudadatu on the multiple murder charges he filed against some members of the Ampatuan clan, said she does not fear for her life amid several death threats she has been receiving in relation to the cases she is handling.

Santos, who is also the counsel of several journalists killed in the Maguindanao massacre, said the threats were “part of the job.”

“I know God will protect me against those who have the intention to hurt or to kill me,” Santos said. - With Edith Regalado, Edu Punay, Non Alquitran, Ramil Bajo, John Unson - By Rose Tamayo-Tesoro (Philstar News Service, www.philstar.com)

available online
http://ph.news.yahoo.com/star/20100121/tph-p120-million-found-ampatuan-compound-541dfb4.html
accessed Jan 22, 2010

68 (to 170) Private Armed Groups armed with high-powered Firearms

2010-01-13T17:18:00.000-08:00

"Police authorities confirmed that at least 68 private groups in the country are armed with high-powered firearms... they admitted earlier that the total number of private armed groups (PAGs) nationwide could reach as high as 170."

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Phils has at least 68 private armies, but no names for now GMANews.TV - Friday, January 8
As the Zenarosa Commission tasked to dismantle private armies hunkered down to work, police authorities confirmed that at least 68 private groups in the country are armed with high-powered firearms, even as they admitted earlier that the total number of private armed groups (PAGs) nationwide could reach as high as 170.

Director General Jesus Verzosa, chief of the Philippine National Police (PNP), said that in their last "validation process," 68 groups have already been confirmed as PAGs. Of this number, 25 are in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) while 43 are found outside the region

Verzosa said that they are still "verifying" 102 other private groups suspected of possessing firearms – 77 groups within the ARMM, and 25 groups in other regions.

In a separate interview, Armed Forces spokesman Lt. Col. Romeo Brawner said the government will not yet be revealing the identities of the 68 validated PAGs, until the validation process is completed, since “other groups might say we are being unfair."

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Zenarosa Commission to summon AFP

As this developed, the Zenarosa Commission summoned representatives of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in its next meeting on Monday, January 11, to give light on the militia-like Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) and other groups under AFP supervision, according to Commission spokesman Herman Basbaño.

The Zenarosa Commission was created by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in December, composed of a chairperson and six members, with the task to investigate and eventually oversee the dismantling of private armies before the May 2010 elections.

Mrs. Arroyo later appointed the six commissioners and Monina Arevalo-Zenarosa as chairperson. [See: CA justice who acquitted Daniel Smith heads govt body vs private armies]

Basbaño said that during its first meeting, held at the Mabini Hall of the Malacañang Palace, the Commission agreed to hold meetings and hearings every other day, with the Court of Appeals as venue. He said a lawyer and support staff had also been designated for each of the six commissioners and chairperson Zenarosa.

Dismantle 132 PAGs by May?

Asked how many private armies are presently operating in the country, Basbaño estimates that the number is close to the 132 that National Security Adviser and Acting Defense Secretary Norberto Gonzales earlier mentioned.

Basbaño said the Commission also agreed to come up with recommendations, which they would submit to Mrs. Arroyo by March.

For his part, AFP spokesperson Lt. Col. Romeo Brawner said they have yet to receive orders from the Zenarosa Commission, when asked by GMANews.TV about the timetable of the government plan to dismantle the PAGs.

"[Magdedepende sa] private commission na bubuuin (Everything will depend on the private commission to be formed). That will be the body that will tell us the direction that we'll take. We're just implementors," Brawner told GMANews.TV.

Calls to dismantle private armed groups in the country were triggered by the November 23 massacre in Ampatuan town, Maguindanao, which was allegedly perpetrated by members of the private army of the powerful Ampatuan clan.

The military and police in Maguindanao earlier seized hidden or buried heavy firearms and ammunition from several parts of Maguindanao, including arms caches found in Ampatuan properties or detachments of civilian volunteer groups.

Areas of concern

Meanwhile, the PNP on Thursday said it has already identified a total of 558 cities and municipalities considered as areas of concern for the upcoming polls – or what it called "election watchlist of areas."

Of the figure, 118 areas are located in the ARMM and 440 are in other regions.

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The PNP classifies the watchlist of areas under two categories. The first group includes areas where election-related violence "is expected to occur," while the second group includes areas where there are existing threat from extremist groups.

A nationwide gun ban starts on Sunday, the first day of the election period. Commission on Elections (Comelec) chairman Jose Melo said that even politicians, whose lives are usually most at risk during elections, are covered by the ban.

"Wala tayong exemption lalo na sa mga pulitiko dahil iyon ang nagangailangan in that sense pero iyan ang nasa patakaran," Melo said.

Melo advised politicians fearing for their safety to just apply for the deployment of security detail. Under current Comelec policies, a candidate for mayor or a higher position will be provided with at most two security detail from the PNP or the AFP, or a private detective agency.

Only uniformed policemen and soldiers in the actual performance of official duty are allowed to carry firearms. Anyone in civilian clothing caught with a firearm will be arrested and be subjected to an investigation. – JV, GMANews.TV

Source: http://ph.news.yahoo.com/gma/20100107/tph-phils-has-at-least-68-private-armies-d6cd5cf.html?printer=1 accessed Jan 14, 2010

Details of gun-ban for May 2010 elections

2010-01-08T21:24:00.000-08:00

Starting Jan 10, the total gun-ban will be imposed, and takes effect for the duration of the election period.

COMELEC Resolution 1814 orders the recall of permits of all gun-holders, including law enforcement agencies and private security groups accredited by the PNP as bodyguards for politicians. The Comelec issued the resolution in an effort to minimize election-related violence during the campaign period leading to the May 10, 2010 elections.

PNP and military personnel acting as body guards of politicians will also be recalled and will automatically report to the PNP Headquarters without passing through the regional level.

COMELEC Resolution 8714 defines the rules and regulations on who are authorized to carry firearms during the election period, and the procedures on how to avail of the services of security personnel or bodyguards during election period.

Only the PNP, AFP, the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP), security personnel of the Philippine Ports Authority, Bureau of Immigration, Philippine Economic Zone Authority, Bureau of Customs, Manila International Airport Authority and accredited security agencies are allowed to bear firearms.

Comelec said candidates for the 2010 elections would have to pick their security detail from law enforcement agencies or private security agencies accredited by the PNP.

sources: Sunstar Cebu

http://www.sunstar.com.ph/cagayan-de-oro/gun-ban-set-jan-10

accessed Jan 9, 2010

Gun ban on, but sale of firearms not covered

2010-01-08T21:12:00.000-08:00

Gun ban is on, from Jan 10 to June. Sale of firearms not covered.
Those who purchase their guns during the gun ban period must deposit the same to the PNP-FED storage, to be released by June when the gun-ban is lifted.

Covered by the gun-ban also are air guns and replications, bladed instruments, hand grenades, and other explosives (except for fireworks).

Exempted from the ban are members of the PNP, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and other law enforcement agencies.

read details below

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Sale of firearms not covered by gun ban, but...

KIMBERLY JANE TAN, GMANews.TV

01/04/2010 | 10:34 PM

The nationwide gun ban for the May elections will not cover the selling of firearms in consideration of the local gun industry, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) said Monday.

Guns purchased during the gun ban period, however, will have to be deposited to the Philippine National Police (PNP) depository, according to Comelec Commissioner Lucenito Tagle, head of the poll body's committee on the ban on firearms and security personnel (CBFSP).

“We will allow the sale of firearms but it should not be given directly to the purchaser. Whatever firearms have been purchased, it will be deposited in the PNP depository and will be released only until after June," he said at a separate press briefing.

Comelec chairman Jose Melo said they issued Comelec Resolution 8714 in response to the appeal of gun manufacturers and sellers for some leeway in the gun ban.

“I think may katwiran sila. Mamamatay daw ang gun industry (I think they are right. The gun industry might suffer)," he said in an interview.

Comelec Resolution 8714 states that the manufacture, importation, exportation, purchase and sale of firearms, explosives, and their spare parts are allowed provided that they are immediately transported to the storage of the Firearms and Explosives Division of the PNP.

The Comelec had issued this in connection with Resolution 1814, which bans candidates and private individuals from carrying firearms and hiring bodyguards from January 10 to June 9, 2010.

Aside from the regular firearms and deadly weapons, also covered by the gun ban are air guns and replications, as well as bladed instruments, hand grenades, and other explosives except for fireworks.

Exempted from the ban are members of the PNP, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and other law enforcement agencies.

Violation of the gun ban is an election offense, which entails a punishment of six months to one year imprisonment. - KBK, GMANews.TV

source: http://www.gmanews.tv/story/180769/sale-of-firearms-not-covered-by-gun-ban-but
accessed Jan 9, 2010

Police claims, Harry Potter magic responsible in COMELEC theft in Maguindanao!

2010-01-07T03:34:00.000-08:00

NEWS FLASH: The thieves who ransacked the COMELEC office in Maguindanao were all wearing the invisibility cloak of Harry Potter, effectively avoiding the 200 soldiers and police guarding the compound inside-out. The public is warned to be more vigilant as the "invisible gang," as they are now called, is expected to strike again, this time targeting the national COMELEC headquarters where ballots are being prepared.

The public is also advised not to shout invectives when the police-in-charge of the ransacked COMELEC compound gets the (expected) promotion for a job-well-done!

(In a related case, another group is reported to be practicing the charm that would magically shade the circles beside the names of their favoured candidates in the election ballots by simply shouting the magic words, "Incredulous!," thus the moniker the "incredulous gang.")

--------

Inquirer Headlines
Comelec office ransacked

200 troops guarded Maguindanao facility

By Charlie Señase
Inquirer Mindanao
First Posted 00:28:00 01/07/2010

SHARIFF AGUAK, MAGUINDANAO, Philippines—Suspected thieves broke into and ransacked the Commission on Elections (Comelec) provincial office in this capital town, but police officials were surprised over the report, saying the place was heavily secured.

“They (thieves) could have [entered] … the premises during the holidays because we learned of [it] … only on Monday when we reported for work,” Estelita Orbase, provincial election supervisor, said late Tuesday.

In Manila, two senators

on Wednesday raised suspicions about the theft and urged the Comelec head office to investigate. They said it might be part of cleaning up the cheating mess committed there during the 2004 and 2007 elections.

“The suspicion is very strong that they’re clearing the office of incriminatory documents,” said Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr.

Orbase said the intruders gained entry to the Comelec office through the windows by detaching the jalousies. They took the water dispenser and some kitchen utensils, but Orbase said some documents might be missing .

“We are still trying to find out what are the other missing articles, which might be of significant value to the coming polls,” she said.

Senior Supt. Alex Lineses, provincial police chief, said the Comelec had not reported the robbery to police authorities and was baffled that the robbers could easily enter the Comelec office because it was being heavily secured.

“We have our men and the military securing the perimeter, both inside and outside, and it is impossible that robbers were able to penetrate [the office],” Lineses said.

At least 200 soldiers and policemen are deployed at the provincial capitol compound, which is also surrounded by a concrete fence. Employees must write their names at the gates before they can enter the compound and their offices.

Heavy troop deployment

The heavy troop deployment was prompted by the election-related massacre of 57 people, including 30 journalists, at Ampatuan town in Maguindanao last Nov. 23. Several top civilian officials, mostly members of the Ampatuan clan, were arrested.

A few days after the military takeover of the province on Dec. 5, lawmen seized election-related documents from a warehouse allegedly owned by the Ampatuan clan in Shariff Aguak. The documents, including voter’s registration forms and voter’s IDs, were dug up along with firearms and ammunition.

Orbase had confirmed that the recovered documents were authentic and were issued by the Comelec. She could not say why it ended up being buried at the warehouse.

Last Dec. 11, more voter’s IDs were found near the house of acting Maguindanao Gov. Sajid Ampatuan.

‘Revelations’

The poll officer of Shariff Aguak at that time, Allan Obpon, was to be invited to explain why the election-related documents were taken out of the Comelec office. But he died on Dec. 11 of heatstroke while on an Islamic pilgrimage in Mecca.

The documents were moved to the Comelec provincial office pending investigation.

In a phone interview, Pimentel said it was possible that some people were “worried about the revelations of what really happened in the 2004 presidential election, as well as in the 2007 elections.”

For his part, Sen. Rodolfo Biazon said authorities should identify the people behind the latest break-in as it would appear that it was related to the massive cheating committed there in 2004 and 2007.

The robbery could have been committed by people “who may be compromised to whatever pieces of evidence that had been carted away,” said Biazon. With a report from Christine O. Avendaño in Manila

The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Dept

2009-12-27T22:49:00.000-08:00

While in Tokyo last November, I had a short meeting with the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Dept. (TMPD), thanks to the ALFP program of the Japan Foundation and the Intl. House of Japan. I was really impressed with how they regard security and safety.

1. The Koban system or neighborhood police was, in my opinion, an effective deterrent to crime. The fact that there are 'police box' in almost every corner makes it extra difficult to pull off a heist. While some of my Japanese friends are not particularly enthusiastic with the Koban and feel that the police is bordering on being intrusive (every koban or police box has a detailed map of the neighborhood, including the names of families living in each household, and conducts random check every now and then), I welcome its presence and actually made me feel more safe even while walking alone at night.

2. The TMPD has a very high-tech mapping of Tokyo, flashed on their giant screen, and has a network system connecting all the kobans. Thus, when a "911" type of call is received, the TMPD can easily dispatch the nearest neighborhood police. Mind you, by the way, the koban police responds on foot, considering that the streets are narrow, the traffic is sometimes heavy, and running around the neighborhood is actually more effective and efficient.

3. They take security very seriously. I asked permission from a police on patrol if I can take a picture of us together, but was refused. On a separate occassion, I was taking pictures of police-in-action (actually, they were just patrolling), and my attention was called by the police. In the Philippines, if you ask a police-on-patrol if you can have a picture with him (esp. when asked nicely), chances are they will accede. Either it is a matter of cultural difference or difference on how the two police force regard security is a matter of debate. But the fact that aside from the kobans, you also will see a number of police on patrol duty walking around the vicinity also made me feel safe.

4. The police-to-population ratio in Tokyo is 1:300 (1 police to every 300 population); the international standard is 1:500. In the Philippines, it is a distressing 1:900. Thus, if the police seems ineffective in providing security and enforcing peace and order in the Philippines, corruption and lack of training are not the only reasons; the fact that they sorely lack the required number adds to their malady.

In all, I was impressed with the TMPD. While it can be argued that what was shown to me are the nice things and "touristy" information, the fact remains that in my two months in Japan, I have never felt any threat nor felt unsafe at any time of day nor in any place within Japan.

It even has a cute mascot!

Gloria's Pampanga candidacy is a smoke screen!!

2009-12-10T17:03:00.000-08:00

Since I'm in the mood for conspiracy thinking, here goes: How far fetched is it to think that the filing of candidacy of Gloria in Pampanga is her great smoke screen so we won't see what's coming - like the martial law declaration in Maguindanao (except for Amina Rasul, I haven't heard of anyone else who predicted this scenario), and now the possibility of extending martial law to Agusan del Sur because of the conveniently timed hostage taking by the Ondo Perez group (of 75, now 57 civilians). My gut feel is that there will be more armed "encounter" type of activities (e.g. hostage taking, armed engagements etc) in various parts of Mindanao to create the "subjective and objective condition" to extend the clout of martial rule. And while all these things happen, Gloria will conveniently be in Pampanga, away from the heat (with only her minions taking all the flak).

(After a long hiatus, I am back.)

The duality of the State's approach to gun possession

2009-07-17T02:11:00.000-07:00

Today starts the gun show of the Assn. of Firearms and Dealers (AFAD) at the Megamall. Everytime there is a gun show, notable among the usual clients are government officials (especialy those who belong to the local units), and those who have the financial means to purchase a gun.

Interestingly, Executive Order 817 also known as the Gun Amnesty program was signed last July 7, 2009 to take effect this week and will last until Oct 31. This is supposedly the last and final amnesty and the last chance for delinquent gun owners (or those who failed to renew their license) to update/ renew their license. In other words, the gun amnesty targets the then- legal-now-illegal gun owners (in the PNP parlance, guns whose license are not renewed automatically falls under the category of loose or illegal firearm) . The EO 817 will not cover the "paltiks" (of the illegally manufactured and traded guns), and improvised guns (e.g. "sumpak").

Three arguments I want to point out here.

1. The popularity of guns among local govt officials and the rich is clearly a sign of fascination on guns.

a. The fascination is either due to the mystery and romance of the gun as a technologically advanced (lethal) instrument, while at the same time presented as seemingly innocuous piece of art.

b. Or the fascination stems from the gun representing a socially constructed value of power and protection.

In the study I've conducted, most of the respondents from the lower and middle income groups perceive guns/ firearms as instrument of power and protection (or an instrument with a constructed value). The appreciation of guns as a sporting instrument or as a work of art (i.e. as a neutral instrument) are notably, interpreted by those who hail from the upper income bracket.

In other words, guns create various interpretations and one's interpretation, to a large extent, is framed based on one's social and economic context.

2. The Executive Order 817 or the gun amnesty program reflect the duality of the State's appreciation and treatment on gun possession. The State seemingly has no problem in extending the privilege of possession to those who have the (financial) means, but is wary as regards gun ownership of those who "have-none."

Executive Order 817 or the gun-amnesty program creates an imagery of the State extending its hand and trying to woe back into the fold of law its prodigal sons, willing to forgive and forget their irresponsible act (of non-renewal of their gun-license); while the other hand goes after the illegal owners with a castigating stance and final ultimatum to surrender the illegal gun (during the amnesty period) or suffer the full consequence of the law.

The "paltiks" are basically a poor-man's gun. They are illegally manufactured and traded, and therefore mere possession is already a crime in itself. While I agree that a lot of "paltik" owners use the gun for questionable-to-outrightly-illegal dealings, there is also a good number who simply keep it in their homes to assuage their perception of insecurity. I call this the "silent group" who are simply reacting to the insecurity created by their subjective interpretation of their environment.

While I am not in favor of illegal ownership, there is also a problem if we take an absolutist posturing here. The perception of social insecurity is largely brought about by the inability of the State to satisfy the safety/ security demands of the citizens. In other words, I believe that if the people feel secure in their homes and their communities, there is less motivation for them to own (socially constructed) instruments of protection like guns.

3. Gun ownership is pervasive and the effect of gun amnesty will just be a drop in the bucket. In the PNP's estimate (2008), there are 1.1M illegal guns in circulation; the Small Arms Survey (2007) placed the value at 3.9M (high of 5M and low of 2.8 M legal and illegal) guns in circulation. There is also no accurate gauge on the number of guns-in-circulation in areas with active conflict.

Again, in my research (2008-2009), I asked the respondents to give concrete figures / number of gun-owners they know outside of their family. I did a 'convenience non-random sampling' and therefore the findings cannot be used to generalize for the entire population. Still, let me quote my findings verbatim here:

"Half of the respondents admitted to know someone outside their family who own a gun. Disaggregated data is more revealing: mostof the respondents from Cagayan de Oro (84%) and Bacolod (69%) have links with people with guns, while half and a little over half of the respondents from Cordillera (59%), Bohol (57%), and NCR (50%) have gun-owner contacts."

"These figures obviously do not represent the population and is a poor measure on the actual amount of guns in circulation. The relevance of the figures, however, is the seeming audacity of gun-ownership in the country – audacious in the sense that on the average, each respondent know at least one gun-owner. Likewise, if we take the ratio of male and female gun-owners, there is 1 female to every 5.5 male gun owners. The wide disparity of male and female reported gun-owners adds support to the argument that gun-possession is dominantly a ‘male-thing,’ that is, gun as an instrument of value is linked with the heteronormative conception of assigning the function of protection to males." (Oreta 2009)

Based on the three arguments, I caution those who hail the gun-amnesty program as a major step towards addressing the issue of gun-proliferation in the country. The gun-amnesty is simply an administrative measure to legalize again those who have "slipped" into the illegal fold because of their non-renewal of license. More efforts must be done to (a) curb the illegal manufacture and trade, (b) institute more control to discriminate and/or prevent the issuance of license to abusers (most especially those who have history of domestic abuse), and (c) assuage the perception of insecurity of civilians by instituting measures that would make communities feel safer.

Gun Amnesty must therefore be appreciated and framed in this context.

Gun amnesty and Norberto Gonzales??

2009-07-10T15:52:00.000-07:00

Last tues or weds, Norberto Gonzales remarked that the President might entertain the idea of emergency rule (the context of the remark was the dud bombs discovered in Manila - i.e. Ombudsman, Dept of Agriculture, and One Burgundy Plaza, all located in Quezon City; and bombs that exploded in Cotabato and Sulu)

Maybe I am just too paranoid and too 'conspiracy theory thinker' but I hope there is no connection between this statement and the gun amnesty signed last July 6, 2009. After all, isn't it that the first thing that dictators do (before or after the declaration of martial law) is to round up all guns from the hands of civilians? Marcos did that, just as Mussolini and Hitler did too.

gun amnesty ... again!

2009-07-10T06:43:00.000-07:00

"President Arroyo signed yesterday an executive order authorizing the Philippine National Police (PNP) to implement gun amnesty for loose firearms in preparation for the 2010 elections.
Chief Superintendent Ireno Bacolod, director of the PNP-Civil Security Group, said the executive order is now on the desk of Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita for disposition." (Felipe, 7 Jul 2009, Philstar.com)

The gun amnesty is being peddled now as the final and last amnesty. This is the 12th thus far, since the time of Pres Cory Aquino. To be believed that it is really really really the last, the public must get the impression that the Phil National Police is indeed serious. Right now, it's hard not to be skeptical, what, with 12 amnesty ... and counting? (each time that an amensty is offered, it's always peddled to be the last final)

"Nicole" and Smith: The end of the saga

2009-03-19T04:04:00.000-07:00

Newspapers' headline yesterday and today declares that "Nicole" recanted her story. In her affidavit published verbatim by the PDI, she stated that she's not sure if she was raped or brought it upon herself, and practically acquits Smith. This ends the 3-year saga that showcased how the Philippines - the government in particular - allowed itself to be bullied by Big Brother the United States. While I am deeply saddened by the action of "Nicole", I do not blame her. What, with pressure from the US, and even more from her OWN government, who wouldn't cave in? I'm sure she has her reasons for doing that affidavit, but the implication of her action is great if we look at it from the macro-level.

1. By stating that she was too drunk and may have been too intimate with Smith, she indirectly blamed herself for what happened. But rape is rape - it is a question of power. Even if the woman is provokatively dressed, or is intimate with someone, no one has the right to violate her. "Nicole's" action brings the debate back to blaming the victim. (It's the fault of the victim that's why she's raped)

2. The Phil. government, instead of protecting "Nicole" openly and publicly caved-in under the pressure of Washington. If your own government can't support your cause (or at least pretend to support your cause), how can one expect a lone individual to rally the flag? The surrender of Smith to the US embassy was a clear violation of the Phil. laws, and even the VFA - as declared recently by the Phil. Supreme Court. But instead of being the primary institution to uphold the law, the Arroyo gov't was first to violate it. And the biggest insult was when Dept of Justice SEcretary Gonzales justified the action of the Phil. govt in handing over Smith to US custody. He practically became the defender of the US!

3. The ending of this saga creates a dim picture for other Filipinas violated by US servicemen. Quo vadis?

While I feel bad for what Nicole did, I do not condemn her. People's action are, to a large extent, determined by the context and condition one operates in. Her fortitude 3 years ago was stronger, but we don't know why she caved-in now. I'm pretty sure a lot-lot-lot of pressure were exerted on her in all fronts.

Was it easy way out? Call me paranoid but remember that the VFA was "revisited" again when Gloria failed to meet Obama despite the monumental efforts she exerted. Remember that Senators Joker and Miriam, all of a sudden became "patriotic" and raise the issue of VFA out of nowhere. Yes, I'm saying that Gloria used the VFA (and Smith) to get the attention of Obama. When he called her finally, what do you think are the trade offs?

It's really sad that it seems very few Filipinos are willing to sacrifice and do the right thing for the sake of justice, but if you're caught in the middle of giant icebergs, what will you do? Let's condemn the action, but let's condemn even more the institutions that allowed it to happen. "Nicole" was the victim, and continues to be the victim here - raped by Smith, abandoned by her government, feasted by the media, "used" by cause oriented groups as their poster girl against US imperialism. Now, condemned by everyone. Compassion and understanding, not villifying, is what she needs.

Gloria Arroyo's record in freeing criminals

2009-03-04T17:46:00.000-08:00

Today, Gloria Arroyo frees the last of the Ninoy Aquino convicted murderers.

She has, thus far, the highest record of granting pardon to the most notorious and controversial criminals --

a. Romeo Jalosjos, the convicted child rapist
b. Manero, who brutaly killed Fr. Tulio Favali during the 80's. He was (still is?) the leader of the notorious Ilaga group.
c. Teehankee, the killer of Maureen Hultman
d. The 10 Ninoy Aquino convicted killers

She was also reported to have contemplated on granting pardon to Sanchez, the former Mayor of a Laguna town and the convicted rapist and killer of the two UP Los Banos students, and Rolito Go, the killer of Eldon Maguan (a DLSU graduate) over a traffic alteration, had it not for the strong protestations of concerned groups.

And of course who can forget the case of Erap - who was granted Presidential pardon barely a month after getting convicted of plunder.

Sadly, these efforts, while regarded by some as humanitarian in nature, also deliver the message that the powerful and mighty (or even just close association with them) would always have their way in a political system controlled by a few. No wonder the accusation that the Arroyo administration promotes a 'culture of impunity' just sticks like glue.

Joker and Miriam nationalistic? Baaahh!!

2009-02-22T02:52:00.000-08:00

Have you ever wondered why, all of a sudden, Miriam Defensor Santiago and Joker Arroyo became nationalistic and questioned the World Bank and VFA respectively? And why only now does Joker lament about the so called 'document' he has read being not beneficial to the Philippines - it sounded too late the hero.

My husband has an interesting take on this, and I completely agree with him. He said it's Gloria's way of "punishing" Washington for ignoring her several attempts to have a photo-ops with Obama. By taking on the VFA and the World Bank (which is very much identified with the US), the US will surely take notice. Twisting the US hand like this might make Obama change his 'attitude' and pose a friendlier tone towards GMA. Cheap trick from GMA, The Unloved!

How many guns are "out there"?

2009-01-17T05:47:00.000-08:00

Last September 2, 2008, we (Phil. Action Network on Small Arms) had a discussion with members of the PNP-Firearms & Explosive Division-Civil Security Group. These are the figures they gave us: In the first semester of 2008, there are 1,081,074 licensed firearms, half of this number (517,341) are in the National Capital Region or NCR. The number, on the other hand, of firearms with expired licenses for the same period is 482,162. The distribution of this 1M firearms is surprising: 69.85% are in private/ civilian hands, and 30.15% are with the 'authorities' (police, military, deputized govt employees, reservist, diplomatic corps, elected officials).

The PNP has a gauge on how many "loose" FA are there in circulation, but have no accurate gauge on the "illegal" guns as well as the guns-in circulation in the conflict areas."Loose" FA, according to the Phil. National Police, refers to guns purchased from legal manufacturers but are not registered or the license is not renewed. "Paltik", "sumpak" and such other home-made and improvised guns, as well as guns that are illegally manufactured and traded are referred to as "illegal." These guns are unaccounted.

Gun law in the Phil

2008-12-02T15:08:00.000-08:00

The enforced law re gun possession and manufacture in the Philippines is PD 1866 - a presidential decree during Marcos's regime. The irony of it is that it was decreed by a dictator, not by a legitimate, elected legislature. It has not been repealed when Aquino took over power in 1986.

What Aquino issued was a Natl. Emergency Momorandum Order No. 6, a reaction to the Dec 1989 bloody coup attempt. This memorandum orders the re-registration of all licensed civilian firearm (FA), orders the inventory of FAs issued to police forces, and orders the seizure of all unlicensed FA.

RA 7166 was passed (Synchronized elections law) in 1991. The law bans the carrying of FA outside one's residence during election period, and gives power to the COMELEC (Comm. on Elections) to give permits-to-carry, and suspend the issuance of civilian FA licenses. This, however, applies only during election period and is not a permanent fixture.

Incidentally, a lecturer told me that the Philippines is the only country in SEA that issues FA license to civilians. This is an interesting information that needs to be verified.

("meanlin" called my attention and said the Phil. is NOT the only country that issues FA licenses to civilians in SEA. Malaysia, Singapore, Myanmar and Indonesia do issue FA license to civilians, too, although highly regulated . Thailand, too, but not as regulated as the states earlier mentioned. Thanks, "meanlin".)

Violence in Mindanao - what will you do?

2008-11-25T01:10:00.000-08:00

A civil society leader, Ka Vic, based in Davao, Mindanao, was shot dead yesterday afternoon. The gunman casually walked toward him while Ka Vic was talking with a fellow cooperative board member, shot him at close range, twice in the head and another near the armpit. Ka Vic was dead on the spot. It was a fiesta, and the Vice Mayor was in the community earlier that day. There were police roaming around. A lot of people were in the area when the shooting happened. The young gunman's face was only covered with a towel. He killed Ka Vic - in front of many people - casually walked away and took off via the get-away tricycle. Take note - a tricycle - a vehicle so small, it can be overpowered by a group of people. But no, the audacity of the act shocked the community, especially those who witnessed it. In fact, no one, save for the cooperative board member Ka Vic was talking to, was willing to testify.

There was a time in our collective history when killing a person - especially that brutal - hits one to the core, and that regardless of the danger to oneself, defending what is right and decent were considered as higher, noble goods. When Evelio Javier, Fr. Favali, Bobby dela Paz, Ninoy Aquino, and many other modern-day martyrs, were killed in cold-blood, the dastradliness of the act moved people to fight for what is just and right. The belief that one is fighting for something higher than oneself made people oblivious to the dangers they were facing. And defending the sacredness and dignity of life was regarded as the highest of all goods.

Now, we see people being mugged in the street and we just look, not wanting to get involved. We witness a crime but we look away. A person gets killed in cold blood, right before our eyes, and we deign innocence.

Sad. Really sad.

2008-11-12T14:25:00.000-08:00

Below is the statement issued by the Phil. Action Network on Small Arms (PhilANSA) as regards the Nov. 10 University of the Philippine's armed incident.

The boldness of the action of the perpetrators in the UP heist last Nov. 10 sent chills to a number of people, especially students of nearby universities and residents of Quezon City. Not only did it happen in broad daylight, it also took place in a university, a supposed haven for scholarship and morals. Three men died – abruptly ending lives, and inflicting insurmountable pain on the families they have left behind.

This incident is but one of the hundreds, if not thousands, of similar events involving illegal guns that are happening everyday. Hundreds more will happen in the advent of the holiday season particularly because of the global economic crunch and joblessness. Statistics and logic tell us that there is a direct correlation between economic insecurity and crime incidence.

Gun proliferation is a big concern in the country, but few of us take notice. Criminal syndicates and other lawless elements are prevalent because they can easily access guns in various ways imagined. With guns proliferating in society, more people are killed in street crimes and thefts than armed conflicts. Its misuse kills an average of one thousand people a day (globally).

It’s about time that our lawmakers seriously look into the problem of arms proliferation and misuse. Current government programs addressing gun proliferation, such as gun amnesty, balik-baril, and checkpoints, maybe necessary but are insufficient responses to the enormity of the problem. An uncorrupted police and justice system that truthfully track down criminal elements, a law imposing stricter measures on arms/ gun possession, and a socio-economic program that provide basic services to the poorest of the poor can help mitigate the problems of criminality.

Philippine Action Network on Small Arms (PhilANSA)
11 Nov 2008

UP robbery-too close to home

2008-11-11T00:35:00.000-08:00

There was a bank robbery yesterday (Nov 10) near the University of the Philippines-Bahay ng Alumni. Two guards and one teller were killed. Several rounds of .38 ammunitions were recovered.

The two participants of the focus-group discussion (on women and guns) I've conducted last Fri (Nov 7) were in the Bahay ng Alumni when the incident happened. They were scared to the bones.

The guns-in-circulation is out of control. Statistics (and logic) tell us that there is a direct relation between economic insecurity and crime incidence. And risking to sound like a prophet of doom, more crime incidents will happen as we approach the holiday season, esp. with the current economic crunch and hundreds without jobs.

Sustainability in Arms?

2008-11-10T21:58:00.000-08:00

I was in Danao last Aug 27, 2008 and met with the officers of the World Multipurpose cooperative (World MPC), a cooperative of gun manufacturers and financiers. The cooperative aims to bring to the legal fold all the illegal manufacturers. This move to legalize has major advantages: 1) stricter monitoring can be done in the industry and thus, avoiding the selling of guns to sinister characters/ groups; 2) tracing and monitoring can be strictly implemented; 3) if quality (of gun-manufacturing) is improved, the police and the armed forces need not import guns from foreign manufacturers and simply order from the cooperative - which obviously can contribute to the livelihood/ increasing the employment opportunities in the area. Bear in mind though, that if the 'illegals-turned-legal' fail to generate the same income (i.e. while they operate legally), there is a big risk that these manufacturers will turn illegal again. Thus, it is imperative that the World-MPC broaden the market for its products.

The question then, especially for gun-control advocates, is - is it prudent to support the effort of the World Corp./ Danao cooperative not only in legalizing the trade, but also in expanding the industry?

Cambodia haunts me

2008-11-10T21:57:00.001-08:00

I was in Cambodia last Oct 2008 for a seminar-workshop on security sector reform. This entry, however, is not about the conference.On my last day, a few hours before leaving for the airport, three of us decided to visit the so-called genocide center. It was a pleasurable 40 min 'tuk-tuk' (tricycle cab) trip from the hotel to the place. The center was unassuming from the outside. Walking to the site where the center housed all the remains of the victims of the Khmer Rouge (Red Army), and seeing with one's own eyes the hundreds if not thousands of skulls of the victims, the feeling is indescribable.The monument is as tall as a two-storey building, maybe covering about 10 ft x 10 ft in floor area (am not really good at measurement; besides, measuring the monument was the least of my concern at that time). Each apartment (about 2 ft in height) probably has a hundred or more skulls, organized based on age at the time of death. There were probably about 20 or more apartments in the monument.Most of the skulls were facing the entrance, as if looking back at the curious on-looker. The cracks, deformities, and fractures in each seemingly tell one of the sorry, nay, horrible fate that befall the person. "Below 20 years old," "between 20-40 years old", "40-60 years old" - the labels mechanically categorized each group, perhaps with the purpose of documenting the number of persons killed.

It has the unfortunate effect, however, of imaging the remains as artifacts of history, overlooking and sidelining the fact that each one has a distinct life story abruptly ended by people drunk with power.I was deeply saddened and affected with the images I saw, even more with the information on how people - old and young - were tortured and killed by the hundreds every day during the dark period of this country's history (in the world's history, I should say). I was even more troubled when I learned that a good number of those involved in the killings were young individuals. They were used as pawns by the leaders corrupted and oblivious with the absolute (coercive) power they had.The sorry state of the monument added to my heavy feeling. It was not kept - cobwebs were all around; the tattered clothes by the dead - piled up in the bottom apartment - were not even enclosed in a glass. I suppose this sorry state of the monument - supposedly created in memory of the thousands killed - adds to the misery of the left-behind families who, until now, awaits closure.I left the country with these vivid images in my mind and the very strong emotions created by these images - contrasted with the happy faces of the groups of people doing aerobics, playing badminton, and just hanging around the plaza during weekends. I guess those left behind are just as eager to move on and momentarily forget the nightmare they endured.

The Problem with Guns

2008-11-10T21:56:00.000-08:00

The spate of killings that captured the headlines in recent days is really heartening. Lives of unwilling participants to violence have senselessly ended because of uncontrolled proliferation of guns in our society, with our enforcers oblivious to such a reality.While the black market provides easy access to weapons for lawless elements, corruption in both the military and police also account for the ‘crossing over’ of legal guns to the illegal trade. And while we do have laws on gun ownership and registration, permit-to-carry and usage, these measures are antiquated and inadequate and focused more on penalizing rather than preventing would-be criminals from committing acts of violence. Gun-trade thrives – both legal and illegal –because of the continued and increasing demand for arms by civilians. The failure of the state to make the people safe and secure fuels the drive of civilians to acquire guns. The inability of enforcers to prevent lawlessness, criminality, banditry, and insurgency further creates the impression of a chaotic and dangerous society. It is no surprise, thus, that a number of civilians look at guns as an object of value, in this case, provider of security.But guns kill. It is not a neutral object. It does not provide security - paradoxically, the proliferation of guns makes people feel more insecure. The proliferation of guns further exacerbates the already volatile social, political, and economic divides that exist in Philippine society. The famous adage that “guns don't kill, people do” is a misplaced notion – guns give power to the one holding it. Mere possession of it emboldens one to take drastic action. Gun possession and passion are lethal combination.

In the Phil. Daily Inquirer (PDI) editorial of May 20, 2008, ("Monsters with guns"), it states “The Philippines could pass stricter gun control laws and enforce them without exception.” More than this, though, our authorities must seriously and sincerely look into the proliferation of arms in society:(a) To address the demand side (i.e. people wanting to posess guns), we need to build safer communities by striking down the criminal elements operating in communities and prosecuting crimes with impartiality. The government must seriously pursue peace talks with political-ideological groups to put an end to armed hostilities that has victimized civilian communities for decades. Futhermore, the justice system - i.e. each stage, from the investigation phase, apprehension, prosecution, to penal, and rehabilitation stages must be refomed for the justice system to regain the trust and confidence of the people.People won’t feel the need to arm themselves if they feel safe and secure in their homes and communities, and if they believe that the security sector (which includes the justice system) is impartial and trustworthy.(b) To address the supply side (i.e. the easy availabiluity of guns), proper implementation and strict monitoring of laws, as well as participation from civil society and local communities in carrying out the rule of law can drastically lessen senseless killings and criminality from happening. A crack down on corrupt elements in the military and police is needed. There is also an urgent need for Congress to review existing laws, rules and regulations relating to arms and accordingly pass stricter gun-control measures.PhilANSA (Philippine Action Networ on Small Arms) to which I belong calls for stricter measures on gun possession and use. The proposals discussed above are but some immediate measures that the state can do to arrest the spiral of violence we are in. And these measures must be done now. It is an absurdity if one cannot even feel protected in one’s community, and even more distressing, in one’s home.

(This is a modified version of the letter-to-the-editor that Philansa sent to the PDI in May 2008. Views and positions are shared with the Philansa group, but responsibility andaccountability for this essay remain with the author).

Constructing women's view on safety and danger

2008-11-10T21:55:00.000-08:00

When a woman constantly fears for her safety, most likely, she cannot think of other things other than her physical safety or survival. When the physical safety of the woman is assured, she then considers her basic needs – food, shelter, clothing, health, education. Both the physical safety and basic needs are the components of one's physical security, and the proliferation of small arms in the Philippines directly impacts on women's physical security. Guns or arms are instruments of value. It is a weapon that makes the possessor powerful. Used by criminals, insurgents, private armies, and state authorities alike, the possessor is able to wield power over others who do not possess the same. In the Philippines, the socially constructed ideation of men alleges that they are the protector and defender of the family. Discussing safety and security in this context, it is often the men who secure guns or weapons under the pretense of providing security for themselves and their loved ones. This reality is also referred to as heteronormativity. “Heteronormativity refers to an ideology of sex and gender that emphasizes differences between men and women, establishes heterosexuality as the norm at the same time that it favors homosocial connections between women, and generally reifies notions of women as dependent on men for economic support and survival.” (Blackstone, 2004). Yet, gun possession also creates a feeling of power to the owner. In a context where male dominance is the dominant paradigm when it comes to the social position of the sexes, gun possession further emboldens the power held by the man in the house. Studies show that women are often victimized or are in danger of violence “in or near the home, with intimates” (Koss 1988; Tjaden and Thoennes 1998). Hence, with the man of the house possessing a gun, the woman becomes unsafe not only outside but also inside her home.

I am presently doing a constructivist study in ascertaining the meaning of the concepts security and danger from the women's point of view in the Philippines. Constructivism is based on the notion that most social and political phenomena are constructed by human interaction with each other, and with the structures around them. This approach believes that “actors are shaped by the socio-cultural milieu in which they live” (Conteh-Morgan 2005). The dominantly male paradigm of security that extols guns and weapon will be used as the 'power-relations' context of my study. This includes all the structures and processes that pertain to arms/ guns' possession (rules, laws, beliefs and cognition, agents/ stakeholders, mechanisms of policy formulation and implementation). Using this as the prevailing social-power-relations, women's ideation of security and danger will be constructed. It will determine if indeed the context (i.e. the social-political environment of gun-proliferation) affects the woman's lens, understanding, beliefs, and disposition about safety and danger.Do you have any ideas to share?

Problematizing Security

Marrying a soldier

It’s hard to marry a soldier. They only get a few days furlough and spend the rest of the year on duty. The left-at-home partner (usually the wife) has to bear the brunt of multifaceted challenges in the home front.

The changing face of the military

The changing face of the military

BlueboardBy Apple Santiago Oreta

AFP's Plan: Same Old, same new?

Opinion

AFP’s plan: Same old, same new?

What the F***! (on AK-47 and Basilan)

Business World

Opinion

What the f***! (on AK-47, Basilan)

Blueboard By Apple Santiago Oreta

The Hope Virus

The Hope virus

Blueboard By Apple Santiago Oreta

The group was in a quandary. They had been doing the same projects and the same strategy for years. Yet, the problem persisted -- they were still confronted by the never-ending cycle of underdevelopment, radicalization of poverty, and insurgency. There had to be another way to intervene.

Let's talk straight

The Human Rights Crucible

Blueboard -- Apple Santiago Oreta

The human rights crucible

Heart pumping, the 16-year-old courier tries his best to be nonchalant as he alights the jeep. Inside his backpack is a plastic bag thoroughly wrapped in packaging tape. He has no idea what it contains, except that he will be given two hundred pesos if he can get it pass the checkpoint.

Held 'hostage' for four decades

I am posting here the the article I've written for the Column "Blueboard" in Business World (a Phil. major daily paper), 9 Aug 2011. Blueboard is published every other Tues of the month.

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Blueboard -- Apple Santiago Oreta

Held ‘hostage’ for four decades

Hostage taking in Manila

The Jackass, the Has-been, the Opportunist, and the Naive

Private Governments and Private Armies

68 (to 170) Private Armed Groups armed with high-powered Firearms

Details of gun-ban for May 2010 elections

Gun ban on, but sale of firearms not covered

Sale of firearms not covered by gun ban, but...

Police claims, Harry Potter magic responsible in COMELEC theft in Maguindanao!

The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Dept

Gloria's Pampanga candidacy is a smoke screen!!

The duality of the State's approach to gun possession

Gun amnesty and Norberto Gonzales??

gun amnesty ... again!

"Nicole" and Smith: The end of the saga

Gloria Arroyo's record in freeing criminals

Joker and Miriam nationalistic? Baaahh!!

How many guns are "out there"?

Gun law in the Phil

Violence in Mindanao - what will you do?

UP robbery-too close to home

Sustainability in Arms?

Cambodia haunts me

The Problem with Guns

Constructing women's view on safety and danger

Blueboard
By Apple Santiago Oreta

Blueboard
By Apple Santiago Oreta